Quotes from Andrew Feinstein

While the Saudi rulers demand that their subjects adhere strictly to a rigid Wahhabism, their own behaviour could not be further removed from their faith.

They are very greedy. You always have to pay bribes. If they want to buy this glass you tell them it's five dollars. They will beat you down to one dollar, then they will say, "OK I will give you $3, but you give me $2 back!

Prince Bandar has the ability to charm the powerful and his country's money with which to buy friendship and influence. He is comfortable and inventive at circumventing laws and restrictions and has on occasions appeared to be loose with the truth. This made him the ideal person to negotiate the world's ultimate arms deal.

A litany of scandals came to public attention in the wake of the political fallout from Watergate, uncovering slush funds for domestic and foreign bribery. The SEC offered an amnesty for companies admitting to questionable or illegal payments; over 450 US companies admitted making such payments worth over $300m to government officials, politicians and political parties. Over 117 of the self-reporting entities were Fortune 500 companies.

To secure a contract, a company must secure the support not merely of a senior prince, often through an established agent through whom very substantial commissions have to be paid; but also of many ministers and officials down the line.'74

Military thinkers and actors dominated the new White House and the key departments of state, both military and civilian. Over thirty senior arms industry executives, consultants or advisers were placed in key positions in the military and across government... More than half a dozen important policy positions in the Bush administration were occupied by Lockheed Martin executives, lobbyists or lawyers, reflecting the influence of defence contractors across the breadth of government.

Together, Mertins and Cummings were a formidable arms-dealing force. In 1965 they worked together to sell seventy-four US-made F-86 fighter planes to Venezuela, fifty-four of which were surplus German stock and a further twenty procured from active Luftwaffe service.24 It was a hugely profitable deal.

The deal is probably the most corrupt transaction in arms-trading history, with Bandar, Thatcher's son and many others implicated in receiving payments on an epic scale.

The first involved the sale of ninety F-86 aircraft to Pakistan, once again raised from surplus German stock. At the time Pakistan was a no-sale zone, embargoed by NATO because of its simmering conflict with India. The required subterfuge was undertaken with the help of the Shah of Iran, who allowed the planes to be delivered to Tehran by Luftwaffe officers and then flown to Pakistan by Iranian pilots dressed up as Pakistani officers.

The weapons were delivered aboard the Sky Bird in mid-1992 – with two UN arms embargoes being violated by a single deal. In order to avoid detection, the shipping manifests were altered. Repeating their previous ruse, it was claimed that the shipment was intended for the Lebanese Christian militia.27 Umag, a port city in Croatia, was the real destination, with an end-user certificate provided by the Finance Minister, Martinovic.

Colonel Thomas Dooley, an executive of Sikorsky, the helicopter manufacturer, testified in a United States court that, while trying to sell Black Hawk helicopters to the Saudi regime, he experienced a 'competition for bribes'. He explained that Prince Bandar told him explicitly 'what bribes needed to be paid for the deal, through which middleman they must be routed and how he would distribute the money to other members of the royal family'.28

Mertins frequently upset his handlers, often selling to countries that were considered, at the very least, anti-American. His relationship with US Intelligence ended in 1972 during the Vietnam War

Although the FBI and later the 9/11 Commission ultimately stated that the money was not intentionally being diverted to fund terrorists,9 investigators were surprised to discover how lax the safeguards at Riggs Bank were,10 especially as the bank was known to have close links to the CIA.11

In addition to revealing accounts for the Liberian dictator and one-time Merex arms dealer Charles Taylor, the Chilean military ruler Augusto Pinochet and assorted other despots, several Saudi accounts were discovered to contain financial improprieties, including a lack of the required background checks and a consistent failure to alert regulators to large transactions, in violation of federal banking laws.12 Many

The deal, together with other initiatives to extend its military influence in the region, would culminate in the US using the kingdom as a launching pad for the First Gulf War.

Mertins decided to get even. He rifled through der Hovsepian's papers that were filed on the Thomasberg estate, and gave the whole incriminating pile to the German authorities.34 Mertins had snitched on his partner.

general amorality of the weapons business in their disdain for any kind of control over the arms trade, their dislike of attempts to promote peace, and their willingness to use bribes.

vividly revealed the arms industry's 'constant tendency towards bribery, and the playing off of one country against another to sell arms'. It also exposed the extent to which arms salesmen were supported by their governments: 'It makes one wonder,' commented the Senator, 'whether the army or the navy are just organisations of salesmen for private industry, paid for by the American government.

It was a lucrative contract, by der Hovsepian's own account worth $126m. As further reward for his rapid delivery, the arms dealer was awarded an official citation by the Saudi government.

Money is paid to them in Germany and the kick-back is transferred to the local military attaché and he transfers it to the princes.' He concluded: 'Not a piece of equipment would go from the US to Saudi without Bandar getting a commission.'13

I'm in this business for the defence of humanity,' he explained. 'You have to prepare for war to make peace.