Quotes from Sheila Fitzpatrick

The Communists' sense of mission and intellectual superiority was far too great to allow them to be swayed by mere majority opinion. In this, they were like all other revolutionaries, for what revolutionary worth his salt has ever conceded that "the people's will" is something different from the mission he has undertaken to carry out on the people's behalf?

This was an age of utopianism. Political leaders had utopian visions, and so did many citizens, especially the younger generation. The spirit is hard to capture in an age of skepticism, since utopianism, like revolution, is so unreasonable.

To insiders, it was a "scientific" worldview that enabled its possessors to rid themselves and others of all kinds of prejudice and superstition—and incidentally master an aggressive debating style characterized by generous use of sarcasm about the motives and putative "class essence" of opponents.

Huge amounts of blood were shed to make and maintain the Soviet Union. Some of it was the blood of idealists, some of thugs and careerists, but most of it was the blood of ordinary people whose main concern was survival.

Since they believed that this revolutionary transformation was in the long-term interests of the people, they were willing to force it through, even when, as with collectivization, a majority of the relevant population clearly opposed it. They explained popular resistance as a result of the backwardness, prejudices, and fears of the unenlightened masses.

One of the substantive policy issues raised in the Constitution discussion (primarily in letters rather than public meetings, it seems) was the abolition of discrimination, including deprivation of rights, on grounds of social class. The draft Constitution incorporated this important policy change, which was subsequently enacted into law (see Chapter 5). But not everyone approved—in fact, the majority of letters dealing with this issue were uneasy about ending discrimination.

The initials of the Communist Party in the 1930s, VKP, were read by peasant wits to stand for "Second serfdom" (Vtoroe Krepostnoe Pravo), while in the reading of some Leningrad youths the initials of the USSR itself—SSSR [CCCP] in Russian—became "Stalin's death will save Russia" (Smert' Stalina Spaset Rossiiu).

But there is obviously a relationship between surveillance and terror; the same institutions are used and many of the same processes are involved.

Aunque sólo sea por razones de estructura dramática, la historia de la revolución rusa necesita las grandes purgas del mismo modo que la historia de la revolución francesa necesita el terror jacobino.

Soviet citizens were masters of self-representation as the deserving poor; they regarded it as the state's obligation to provide them with food, clothing, and shelter.

Storming was what took place in the frantic days at the end of each month as each enterprise tried to fulfil its monthly plan.

Probably nowhere, save for the Eastern countries, would it be possible for the range of classes to be publicly displayed so blatantly as it was in Russia," the Finnish Communist Arvo Tuominen commented after describing the dining hierarchies of the early 1930s.

While Soviet political leaders held certain assumptions about trade, notably that the profit-driven capitalist market was evil and the resale of goods for more than the purchase price constituted a crime ("speculation"), they gave little advance thought to what "socialist trade" might mean.

Life has become better, comrades; life has become more cheerful."       Stalin, 19353

There is no doubt that they 'take their pleasure sadly,'" noted an Australian visitor to Gorky Park. "Among the many thousands there we saw scarcely a smile, though we assumed that they were enjoying themselves.

indeed Soviet officials frequently complained about the "dependent" habits of Homo Sovieticus, his lack of initiative, and his stubborn expectation