Quotes from Benson Bobrick

Jefferson, acknowledging Providence, gave equal importance to the legal conceit of America's birth: on one side the Israelites in the wilderness, led by a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night; on the reverse, Hengist and Horsa, the Saxon chiefs "from whom we claim the honor of being descended, and whose political principles and form of government we have assumed.

was Thomas Paine's misfortune, as mentioned, that he not only became involved but indiscreetly leaked privileged, sensitive information entrusted to him as secretary of the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

But the British fleet assembled to oppose them was much more powerful. It included three large ships disassembled into sections, transported overland, and rebuilt on the lake; twenty gunboats; a thirty-ton gondola; a great two-masted scow; thirty longboats; and four hundred bateaux

a modest and abstemious diet which favored pineapples, Brazil nuts, and Saturday dinners of salt cod.

God preserve the United States. We know the Race is not to the swift nor the Battle to the Strong. Do you not think an Angel rides in the Whirlwind and directs this Storm?

John Dickinson's vastly influential Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer, which warned, "A free people can never be too quick in observing, nor too firm in opposing the beginnings of alteration either in form or reality, respecting institutions formed for their security. . . . Servitude may be slipped upon us, under the sanction of usual and respectable terms.

Henry accompanied these resolutions with a fiery speech given the next day in which he concluded, "Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell and George the Third"—amid cries of "Treason" that arose from all sides of the room—"and George the Third," he continued artfully, "may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it!

suit. Newspapers also published the first of John Dickinson's vastly influential Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer, which warned, "A free people can never be too quick in observing, nor too firm in opposing the beginnings of alteration either in form or reality, respecting institutions formed for their security. . . . Servitude may be slipped upon us, under the sanction of usual and respectable terms

André was a clever and cultivated man but to some degree without scruples. During the occupation, he had lived in Benjamin Franklin's house, and upon departing (as noted earlier) he had made off with most of Franklin's treasured collection of books. He had also been one of Peggy Shippen's admirers and the architect of Howe's farewell meschianza bash.

Ferguson learned the identity of his target and remarked, "I could have lodged half a dozen balls in or about him before he was out of my reach. But it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending individual who was acquitting himself coolly of his duty, and so I left him alone." To his decent forbearance, America owes an incalculable debt.

As for the anonymous admonition about moderation and forbearance, how could the time for moderation be past? That would mean that reason is of no use to us. .

Well, Sir, what have we done for them? Have we conquered the country for them from the Indians? Have we cleared it? Have we drained it? Have we made it habitable? What have we done for them? I believe precisely nothing at all, but just keeping watch and ward over their trade, that they should receive nothing but from ourselves, and at our own price.

Congress was long faulted for casuistry on this matter, but in 1932, when Sir Henry Clinton's secret service papers were declassified, it was revealed that the British had indeed planned to send the surrendered troops back into active American service, as had been feared.

Congress designated December 18 "for solemn thanksgiving and praise," and on that day all across America bonfires blazed, bells pealed, and in the streets and on village greens the people sang patriotic songs.

I have been applied to by several gentlemen to instruct their sons on very advantageous terms to myself, and a printer and bookseller here, a man of reputation and property, Robert Aitkin, has lately attempted a magazine, but having little or no turn that way himself, he has applied to me for assistance. He had not above six hundred subscribers when I first assisted him. We have now upwards of fifteen hundred, and daily increasing.

Paine was understandably concerned at first that the outbreak of fighting would disrupt his new livelihood. He wrote to Franklin, "I thought it very hard to have the country set on fire about my ears almost the moment I got into it." But then he grabbed a torch.

In retirement, Washington devoted himself to animal husbandry, farming, the cultivation of his gardens; did his best to entertain and oblige the many friends and admirers who came to pay their respects or others seeking information or advice.

It was, however, a delicate matter for colonists to accuse the British of trying to enslave them, because abject slavery was such a prominent feature of colonial life. This was noted with irony, of course, in England, where Dr. Samuel Johnson, for example, asked, "How is it that the loudest yelps for liberty come from the drivers of slaves?