Quotes from Michael J. Sandel

Nó không d?y chúng ta cách phân bi?t Ä'úng sai, mà "ch? làm th? nào ?? tính toán gi?i hÆ¡n".

From Aristotle to the American republican tradition, from Hegel to Catholic social teaching, theories of contributive justice teach us that we are most fully human when we contribute to the common good and earn the esteem of our fellow citizens for the contributions we make.

Chúng ta là nô l? c?a sá»± ham mu?n và khát khao c?a chính mình

Tôi không có quy?n tÆ°á»›c Ä'o?t Ä'i m?ng s?ng c?a chính b?n thân tôi hay ng??i khác.

For Calvin and the Puritans, "everyone was equally base in the sight of God." Since no one was deserving, salvation had to depend on God's grace.

cuanto más nos concebimos como seres hechos a sí mismos y autosuficientes, más difícil nos resulta aprender gratitud y humildad. Y, sin estos dos sentimientos, cuesta mucho preocuparse por el bien común.

Frank's mention of a "moral judgment handed down by the successful" touched on something important. Encouraging more people to go to college is a good thing. Making college more accessible to those of modest means is even better. But as a solution to inequality and the plight of workers who lost out in the decades of globalization, the single-minded focus on education had a damaging side effect: eroding the social esteem accorded those who had not gone to college.

La capacidad de ascender, al parecer, no depende tanto del deseo de salir de la pobreza como del acceso a la educación, la sanidad y otros recursos que preparan a las personas para tener éxito en el mundo laboral.

hubris among the winners and humiliation among the losers.

But it is also because, having worked hard to achieve a modicum of success, they had accepted the harsh verdict of the market in their own case, and were invested in it, morally and psychologically.

Cô không có lá»—i khi tình c? ? trong má»™t xã há»™i không c?n nh?ng ph?m ch?t c?a cô.

Ít nh?t trên má»™t khía c?nh nào Ä'ó, nhi?u ng?i trong chúng ta may m?n có các ph?m ch?t mà xã há»™i tình c? coi tr?ng.

Khi tr??ng thành, h?u h?t chúng ta m?t Ä'i cách nhìn th? giá»›i tá»± nhiên nhÆ° th?, má»™t th? giá»›i duyên dáng nhÆ°ng k? l?.

Tone-deaf to the mounting resentments of those who had not shared in the bounty of globalization, they missed the mood of discontent. The populist backlash caught them by surprise.

B?n ph?i thá»±c hành [...]: "Chúng ta tr? thành ng??i công b?ng b?ng cách thá»±c hi?n công b?ng, tr? thành ng??i ôn hòa b?ng cách hành Ä'á»™ng ôn hòa, tr? thành ng??i dÅ©ng c?m b?ng cách thá»±c hi?n hành Ä'á»™ng dÅ©ng c?m".

Chìm ng?p trong hành vi ??o ??c giúp chúng ta có ???c khuynh hÆ°á»›ng hành Ä'á»™ng có ??o ??c

Of those born poor in America, few make it to the top. In fact, most do not even make it to the middle class.

C??ng b?c là d?u hi?u ch? không ph?i ngu?n g?c c?a b?t công.

Enabling everyone to compete on equal terms was not only compatible with a market society but a way to fulfill its underlying principles. Two such principles were fairness and productivity. Eliminating discrimination and expanding opportunity would make markets more fair, and enlisting a wider pool of talent would make markets more productive.

But differences of talent are as morally arbitrary as differences of class.23

Now they can acquire "the egg from one source (including, in many cases, the intended mother) and the womb from another."50 This "unbundling" of the supply chain, Spar explains, has prompted growth in the surrogacy market.51 "By removing the traditional link between egg, womb, and mother, gestational surrogacy [has] reduced the legal and emotional risks that had surrounded traditional surrogacy and allowed a new market to thrive.

Here then was the basic argument of liberal and progressive politics in the decades leading up to Brexit, Trump, and the populist revolt: The global economy, as if a fact of nature, had somehow come upon us and was here to stay. The central political question was not how to reconfigure it but how to adapt to it, and how to alleviate its devastating effect on the wages and job prospects of workers outside the charmed circle of the elite professions.

Quienes ensalzan el ideal meritocrático y lo convierten en el centro de su proyecto político pasan por alto esta cuestión moral, pero también ignoran algo más poderoso desde el punto de vista político: las actitudes muy poco atractivas (desde la perspectiva moral) que la ética meritocrática fomenta, tanto entre los ganadores como entre los perdedores. Entre los primeros promueve la soberbia; entre los segundos, la humillación y el resentimiento.

One is the frustration that arises when the system falls short of its meritocratic promise, when those who work hard and play by the rules are unable to advance.