Quotes from Koenraad Elst

So: as of 2011, after many decades of being the official and much-funded hypothesis, the Aryan Invasion Theory has still not been confirmed by even a single piece of archaeological evidence.

The RSS attitude of spurning the intellect and denouncing the intellectuals has worked as a self-fulfilling prophecy: since they left the intellectual field entirely to their enemies, the available intellectuals would not be "of any use to the nation", meaning not sympathizing to the RSS programme. The political Hindu movement has paid a heavy price for this silly anti-intellectual prejudice.

But foreign should not be defined in geographical terms. Then it would have no meaning except territorial or tribal patriotism. To me that alone is foreign which is foreign to truth, foreign to Atman.

When Pakistan reciprocated Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's peacenik bus trip to Lahore with a military invasion of the Kargil district of Jammu and Kashmir in 1999, the Indian Army was not allowed to cross the Line of Control and strike at the invaders' bases and supply lines in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. This raised the death toll among Indian soldiers, the typical Gandhian price for a pose of saintliness

Even at a distance of decades, people invoking Gandhi's name still evade the hard questions raised by Godse in his speech.

Pre-Islamic India was renowned for its universities. Great centres of learning like Nalanda, Vaishali, Sarnath, Vikramashila, Takshashila and many more—they attracted students from all over Asia and the world. Following the Islamic invasion of India, all these universities were destroyed. In the centuries following, not a single university was established by any Muslim ruler. This was a Dark Age darker than the one that overtook Europe."294

The one difference between Godse and the so-called secularists in India is that Godse swore by genuinely secular and democratic principles, so that 'all Indians should enjoy equal rights and complete equality on the basis of democracy' and no special privileges on the basis of communal identity, such as weightage in parliamentary representation for the Muslims.

the conservative Ulema opposed the Pakistan project (because they aimed at controlling the whole rather than a part of India) but supported most other communal demands of the League, thus strengthening further the communal outlook which underlay the Pakistan demand. Welcomed by the Congress as 'nationalist Muslims', they helped Gandhi and Nehru in suppressing all articulate Hindu voices in the Congress.

The personal practice of virtues was always deemed different from the hard action that politics sometimes necessitates.

In Nehruvian 'secularism', superficiality of thought is compensated for by thoroughness in dishonesty.

preparedness to fight the aggressor generally prevents violence; and that even if the violence cannot be avoided, it is at least better to defend yourself than to surrender to aggression.

The burden of proof definitely lies with those who persist in repeating the rumour, and until they discharge it, we must hold them guilty of slander.

Nathuram's reply was: 'Please, see to it that mercy is not imposed on me. I want to show that through me, Gandhiji's non-violence is being hanged.' Taken aback by this reply, Ambedkar, who had never thought highly of Gandhiji's eccentric ideas, actually praised Godse.

It is right to look for someone's "real" intentions after his ostensible intentions have been shown to be incompatible with the actual data of his situation and behaviour. But simply disregarding his explicit reasons so as to impose your own alternative explanation without giving him a fair hearing is not acceptable.

politicized character of Hindutva-watching leads to unabashed manipulations of the semantics of established terminology.

No Muslim leader is known to have explicitly accepted the prospect of a purely democratic polity in a united India without any special privileges for the Muslims.