Quotes from Jill Lepore

A corrupt monarchy is a tyranny, a corrupt aristocracy an oligarchy, and a corrupt polity a democracy.

When Benjamin Franklin began writing his autobiography, in 1771, he turned the story of his own escape—running away from his apprenticeship to his brother James—into a metaphor for the colonies' growing resentment of parliamentary rule.

The price of slaves grew so high that a sizable number of white southerners urged the reopening of the African slave trade. In the 1850s, legislatures in several states, including South Carolina, proposed reopening the trade. Adopting this measure would have violated federal law. Some "reopeners" believed that the federal ban on the trade was unconstitutional; others were keen to nullify it, in a dress rehearsal for secession.

History is the art of making an argument about the past by telling a story accountable to evidence.

A feminist was a woman unable to accept that she wasn't a man.

The larger a country, the less easy for its real opinion to be ascertained," he explained. That is, factions might not, in the end, consist of wise, knowledgeable, and reasonable men. They might consist of passionate, ignorant, and irrational men, who had been led to hold "counterfeit" opinions by persuasive men.

The rise of the modern welfare system is often traced to the pension system instituted for Union veterans in the 1870s, but it was the Confederacy—and Southern white women—that laid its foundation.81

Transport a German to Kiev, and he remains a perfect German," Hitler said. "But transport him to Miami, and you make a degenerate out of him."9 Late

complained that the company had sent hardly any but the most useless of settlers. He counted one carpenter, two blacksmiths, and a flock of footmen, and wrote the rest off as "Gentlemen, Tradesmen, Servingmen, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spoyle a Commonwealth, than either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one."15 In

Willkie was unwilling to run a divisive campaign. The president's short-of-war strategy had led him to propose the first ever peacetime draft; Willkie refused to oppose it. "If you want to win the election you will come out against the proposed draft," a reporter told Willkie. Willkie answered, "I would rather not win the election than do that.

After Benjamin Franklin read Jefferson's draft, he picked up his quill, scratched out the words "sacred & undeniable," and suggested that "these truths" were, instead, "self-evident." This was more than a quibble. Truths that are sacred and undeniable are God-given and divine, the stuff of religion. Truths that are self-evident are laws of nature, empirical and observable, the stuff of science. This divide has nearly rent the Republic apart.

There is a dim possibility that he is of the stock of the New England Lincolns, of Plymouth colony," he wrote, "but the noble science of heraldry is almost obsolete in this country, and none of Mr. Lincoln's family seems to have been aware of the preciousness of long pedigrees." Later, in the White House, Lincoln checked Howells's book out of the Library of Congress, in order to check

Never explain anything. "The more you have to explain," Whitaker said, "the more difficult it is to win support." Say the same thing over and over again. "We assume we have to get a voter's attention seven times to make a sale," Whitaker said. Subtlety is your enemy. "Words that lean on the mind are no good," according to Baxter.

In 1835, Americans in Texas rebelled against Mexican rule, waging a war under the command of a political daredevil named Sam Houston. In 1836, Texas declared its independence, founding the Republic of Texas, with Houston its president. Mexico's president, General Antonio López de Santa Anna, warned that, if he were to discover that the U.S. government had been behind the Texas rebellion, he would march "his army to Washington and place upon its Capitol the Mexican flag.

In 1952, Republicans spent $1.5 million on television advertising to the Democrats' puny $77,000.

This is the propagandist's opportunity," Lippmann wrote.156 With enough money, and with the tools of mass communication, deployed efficiently, the propagandist can turn a political majority into a truth.

W. E. B. Du Bois was walking from his rooms on campus to deliver to the offices of a city newspaper a restrained essay about the lynching of Sam Hose, a black farmer, when he saw, displayed in a store window, Hose's knuckles. Hose had been dismembered, and barbecued, his body parts sold as souvenirs.

In 1937, Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black would observe, with grim dismay, that, over the course of fifty years, "only one half of one percent of the Fourteenth Amendment cases that came before the court had anything to do with African Americans or former slaves, while over half of the cases were about protecting the rights of corporations."63 Rights guaranteed to the people were proffered, instead, to corporations.

In Taxation No Tyranny, Johnson asked, dryly, "How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?

During the Second World War, he founded a war communications research project at the Library of Congress and recommended that the United States preserve democracy from authoritarianism by way of systematic, government-run mass manipulation.

Paine wrote with fury, and he wrote with flash. "The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind," he announced. "' Tis not the affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe.

The debate also marked the limits of the Progressive vision: both sides in this debate availed themselves, at one time or another, of the rhetoric of white supremacy. Eight million people of color in the Pacific and the Caribbean, from the Philippines to Puerto Rico, were now part of the United States, a nation that already, in practice, denied the right to vote to millions of its own people because of the color of their skin.

TO WRITE SOMETHING down doesn't make it true. But the history of truth is lashed to the history of writing like a mast to a sail.

Can a political society really be governed by reflection and election, by reason and truth, rather than by accident and violence, by prejudice and deceit?