Quotes from Jacob Rees-Mogg

It is obviously sensible the crossing of a border ought not to protect a criminal from the consequences of his crime.

The requirement upon the sovereign to 'advise, encourage, and warn' means that the Queen must be well informed. The weekly audience with the Prime Minister is not to discuss the weather but to talk about the most pressing problems facing the nation. An ill-informed monarch cannot do that and would fail in a key constitutional task.

I trust my electors. I see them in weekly meetings. I'm their advocate, I'm there to take up their case. I'm not there to decide whether they've got a good case or a bad case. And I think that if you trust people, they're more likely to trust you back.

The promise of welfare and welfare regulation mean that there is no incentive to accept jobs that do not meet basic standards.

I've made no pretence to be a modern man at all, ever.

We need to be free to do deals with the rest of the world.

We must be out of the protectionist common external tariff, which mainly protects inefficient E.U. industries at the cost to British consumers.

I take the teachings of the Catholic Church seriously.

The state ought not to intervene to prevent individuals from doing things that not only are no risk to others but are of no risk to themselves either.

I think it's true - economically, you want to bake a bigger cake rather than slicing up an existing cake differently.

I believe that politicians should implement the promises that they've given in manifestos.

Many foreign property owners work in the City of London and are encouraged to bring their expertise and earning power to this country because of the favourable capital tax environment. Attacking their property profit may encourage some to leave, but it would certainly deter others from coming in the first place.

It is of considerable importance that politicians stick to their commitments or do not make such commitments in the first place.

Lobbying has become a term of reproach, as if it were improper to push for a particular belief. This has happened because of paid lobbyists whose opinions are for hire and the fear that decision-makers, whether politicians or officials, are susceptible to their charms and wiles. This has tarred entirely proper lobbying with the same brush.

When Margaret Thatcher was leader, she and Michael Heseltine were hardly soulmates, but she would not have allowed personal rivalry to take the heat off the Labour Party, whose own deep internal divisions are buried in other news now, nor would she have countenanced any attempt to have a show trial.

It's widely accepted that it is reasonable for a government to use tax policy to change behaviour.

I think, with a negotiation, you have to go in knowing what you want, knowing what your bottom line is, and knowing what you might accept if you're absolutely pushed.

Perhaps one day the world will end, giving the last group to predict it the satisfaction of being right - but as many have been wrong so far, it does not seem wise to make public policy on the back of these fears.

As a general rule, governments are wise to avoid taxation that is voluntary, as they need a steady stream of income.

Freedom rests on a rational distrust of government; government will always use its power to benefit the incumbent administration.

I went into investments out of interest and thought I knew a little. The longer I've been involved, the less I realise I'd known.

You've got to judge people, ultimately, by their actions rather than their words.

Tony Blair adopted the accent of the audience he was speaking to, which worked very well initially, but then voters began to perceive him as phoney. The 'man of the people' act is the height of condescension.

A poor worker is taxed heavily to receive his own money back with a modest supplement. Surely it would be more efficient just to pay the supplement and take him out of direct tax altogether.