Quotes from Joseph Stiglitz

An economy in which most citizens are doing worse year after year - an economy like America's - is not likely to do well over the long haul.

If Trump actually wants to help those who have been left behind, he must go beyond the ideological battles of the past.

When markets fail, as they often do, collective action becomes imperative.

We have a locale-based education system; we have increasing economic segregation. We clearly need a larger federal program to try to help disadvantaged districts.

In addition to offering benefits to those who invest, carry out research, and create jobs, higher taxes on land and real-estate speculation would redirect capital toward productivity-enhancing spending - the key to long-term improvement in living standards.

The bank bailout should have been more focused on helping small and medium sized banks, on helping homeowners. I think the trade agreements are a disaster.

Trump will fail even in his proclaimed goal of reducing the trade deficit, which is determined by the disparity between domestic savings and investment.

It is trust, more than money, that makes the world go round.

For the president of the United States, reputation does matter. The reputation of the United States does matter. We are dealing with countries all over the world. They want to know if your word is good. Trump's word is not good.

Technology has been advancing so fast that the number of jobs globally in manufacturing is declining. There is no way that Trump can bring significant numbers of manufacturing jobs back to the U.S.

Macroeconomic policy can never be devoid of politics: it involves fundamental trade-offs and affects different groups differently.

I grew up in a family in which political issues were often discussed, and debated intensely.

My teachers helped guide and motivate me but the responsibility of learning was left with me, an approach to learning which was later reinforced by my experiences at Amherst.

Neo-liberal market fundamentalism was always a political doctrine serving certain interests. It was never supported by economic theory. Nor, it should now be clear, is it supported by historical experience.

The fall of Wall Street is for market fundamentalism what the fall of the Berlin Wall was for communism.

The reason that the invisible hand often seems invisible is that it is often not there.

The protesters have called into question whether there is a real democracy. Real democracy is more than the right to vote once every two or four years. The choices have to be meaningful. But increasingly, and especially in the US, it seems that the political system is more akin to "one dollar one vote" than to "one person one vote". Rather than correcting the market failures, the political system was reinforcing them.

The same is true for the market economy: the power of markets is enormous, but they have no inherent moral character. We have to decide how to manage them... For all these reasons, it is plain that markets must be tamed and tempered to make sure they work to the benefit of most citizens. And that has to be done repeatedly, to ensure that they continue to do so.

America had created a marvelous economic machine, but evidently one that worked only for those at the top. "Of the 1% for the 1% by the 1%

But individuals and firms spend an enormous amount of resources acquiring information, which affects their beliefs; and actions of others too affect their beliefs.

I knew that discrimination existed, even though there were many individuals who were not prejudiced.

A lot of my book, 'The Price of Inequality,' is about why there has been an increase in rent-seeking.

One of the arguments I make for the failure of the euro is that, at the time it was being constructed, there was a 'neo-liberal' ideology which said that all we need to do to make this thing work is to get deficits low, keep inflation low, and take down barriers, and then everything would be fine.

The U.S. basically wrote the rules and created the institutions of globalisation.