Quotes from Glenn Greenwald

Converting the Internet into a system of surveillance thus guts it of its core potential. Worse, it turns the Internet into a tool of repression, threatening to produce the most extreme and oppressive weapon of state intrusion human history has ever seen.

No matter the specific techniques involved, historically mass surveillance has had several constant attributes. Initially, it is always the country's dissidents and marginalized who bear the brunt of the surveillance, leading those who support the government or are merely apathetic to mistakenly believe they are immune.

US journalists, for years overwhelmingly enamored of Barack Obama, were now commonly speaking of him in these terms: as some sort of grave menace to press freedoms, the most repressive leader in this regard since Richard Nixon. That was quite a remarkable turn for a politician who was ushered into power vowing "the most transparent administration in US history.

Rich, famous, insider journalists do not want to subvert the status quo that so lavishly rewards them. Like all courtiers, they are eager to defend the system that vests them with their privileges and contemptuous of anyone who challenges that system.

the presumption is that the government, with rare exception, will not know anything that law-abiding citizens are doing. That is why we are called private individuals, functioning in our private capacity. Transparency is for those who carry out public duties and exercise public power. Privacy is for everyone else.

I have been to the darkest corners of government, and what they fear is light.

Objectivity" means nothing more than reflecting the biases and serving the interests of entrenched Washington. Opinions are problematic only when they deviate from the acceptable range of Washington orthodoxy.

And in every instance, the motive is the same: suppressing dissent and mandating compliance.

the job of the press is to disprove the falsehoods that power invariably disseminates to protect itself.

Above even our physical well-being, a central value is keeping the state out of the private realm—our "persons, houses, papers, and effects," as the Fourth Amendment puts it. We do so precisely because that realm is the crucible of so many of the attributes typically associated with the quality of life—creativity, exploration, intimacy.

A citizenry that is aware of always being watched quickly becomes a compliant and fearful one.

But even when the principle of equal treatment was betrayed, American leaders in every era have emphatically affirmed it, not so much out of hypocrisy as out of aspiration. Indeed, for those who were devoted to justice, the persistence of inequality was precisely what made equality before the law so imperative.

It's almost hard to imagine anything more undemocratic than the view that political officials should not debate American wars in public, but only express concerns 'privately with the administration.' That's just a small sliver of Johnson's radicalism: replacing Feingold in the Senate with Ron Johnson would be a civil liberties travesty analogous to the economic travesty from, say, replacing Bernie Sanders with Lloyd Blankfein.

Pero si es el resultado final de todo esto, y sé que hay una elevada probabilidad de que así sea, decidí hace tiempo que puedo aguantar lo que sea. Lo único que no puedo aguantar es saber que no hice nada.»

It is hard to imagine having a government more secretive than the United States. Virtually everything that government does, of any significance, is conducted behind an extreme wall of secrecy. The very few leaks that we've had over the last decade are basically the only ways that we've had to learn what our government is doing.

The ability to eavesdrop on people's communications vests immense power in those who do it. And unless such power is held in check by rigorous oversight and accountability, it is almost certain to be abused. Expecting the US government to operate a massive surveillance machine in complete secrecy without falling prey to its temptations runs counter to every historical example and all available evidence about human nature.

A number I'd love to know: the % of those now saying 'we have to vote Obama to stop an attack on Iran' who will support one if Obama does it.

Privacy is a core condition of being a free person.

It's really encouraging and inspiring to be around a gathering of so many people ... who really are committed to that vision." (While addressing the American Socialist Party, 2011)

Abused in this way, law becomes a tool—both domestically and internationally—by which the powerful can coerce and control the powerless, rather than a system for ensuring that all are subjected to common rules. Nowhere

Washington likes to threaten the people over whom they exercise power.

Edward Snowden made an audacious claim: "I, sitting at my desk, could wiretap anyone, from you or your accountant, to a federal judge or even the president, if I had a personal email.

Your personal life is now known as Facebook's data. Its CEO's personal life is now known as mind your own business.

Ante el descontento social, las autoridad suelen tener dos opciones: apaciguar a la población con concesiones simbólicas o reforzar el control para reducir al mínimo el daño que eso pueda causar a sus intereses. Al parecer, las élites occidentales consideran que la segunda opción —fortalecer su poder— es el mejor procedimiento, acaso el único viable, para proteger su posición.