Quotes About Social

In spite of Mr. Poe's fame, the pair made me feel out of sorts, and sad. In one of the busiest cities in the world, they seemed to exist on a bleak island of their own making, their backs turned against the social tide lapping at the battered door.

Then again, I don't suppose the very poor care much about the doings of the rich, either. The gulf is too wide. Not many have been on both sides of it, as we have.

already a work of art. "Now let's go greet the dowager. I own, I'm unduly

As the last sentence suggests, in addition to the family the Germans had another larger social group, the Sib, or association of kinsmen. This institution was analogous to the gens of the Greeks and Romans.

Human activity and hence history may be conveniently subdivided under five captions: political, economic, social, religious, and cultural.

From then on, most of America First's leaders would be midwestern businessmen whose social and political views were considerably more conservative than those of the group's founders.

For the habitually reserved Englishman . . . concealment of his emotions is the first and cardinal rule of gentlemanliness and social grace," one Ko?ciuszko Squadron pilot observed.

Cooperation in about half of the participant pools remained at the initial level, and the higher the level of antisocial punishment in a participant pool, the lower was the rate of increase in cooperation. At best, "altruistic punishment" did not help people to cooperate very much. This seemed to me to capture something of the flavor of real life.

Stalin was not merely trying to remove political enemies. He was not merely trying to terrorize the country into submission. He was trying to break down all social structure that did not emanate from him, and to create a new people, no longer Homo sapiens, but Homo sovieticus, the New Man of Communism.

I think women are really good at making friends and not good at networking. Men are good at networking and not necessarily making friends. That's a gross generalization, but I think it holds in many ways.

Both Fascism and Communism had utopian aspirations and both took hold amid the intellectual and social ferment of the late nineteenth century. Each purported to deliver a level of emotional sustenance that liberal political systems lacked.

Fascism feeds on social and economic grievances, including the belief that the people over there are receiving better treatment than they deserve while I'm not getting what I'm owed. It seems today that almost everyone has a grievance:

Uncontrolled migration produces social friction not because many refugees are criminals and terrorists (they aren't), but because living side by side with strangers requires two precious commodities: goodwill and time. Both are necessary to build trust; neither is as widely available as we would like.

It seems to me if an anointed king can be set aside, a serf-born woman can marry a baron's son. As rebellions against God's lawful order go, ours will be a small one. ---Addis de Valence

Food in the South has always built bridges across political and social chasms impassable by any other medium.

A workspace with minimal distractions A daily walk (many would write in the morning, stop for lunch and a stroll, spend an hour or two answering letters, and knock off work by two or three in the afternoon) A clear dividing line between important work and busywork Limited social lives1

The alienated audiences was one that was aware of the performance as an arbitrary construction of the real, of the difference between players and characters, and was therefore aware that the people and incidents on stage were there to perform social an ideological actions that could only be understood in terms of their relationship to the dominant ideology. Alienation produced a thinking, interrogative socially aware audience.

In the economies of late capitalism leisure displaces labor, consumption displaces production, and commodities become the instruments of leisure, identity, and social relations.

There is no pleasure in being duped by the text into a helpless viewer, but there is considerable pleasure in selectively viewing the text for points of identification and distance, in controlling one's relationship with the represented characters in the light of one's own social and psychological context.

Anything out of control is always a potential threat, and always calls up moral, legal, and aesthetic powers to discipline it. The signs of the subordinate out of control terrify the forces of order (whether moral, legal, or aesthetic), for they constitute a constant reminder of both how fragile social control is and how it is resented; they demonstrate how escaping social control, even momentarily, produces a sense of freedom.

Again, I had no feeling of the supernatural, no belief that this was more than another nasty twist in the masque, a black inversion of the scene on the beach. That does not mean I was not frightened. I was, and very frightened; but my fear came from a knowledge that anything might happen. That there were no limits in this masque, no normal social laws or conventions.

I hate what G.P. calls the New People, the new class people with their cars and their money and their tellies and their stupid vulgarities and their stupid crawling imitations of the bourgeoisie. (...) The New People are still the poor people, it is the new form of poverty. The others hadn't any money and these haven't any soul.

There is a common tendency to turn off one's imagination at certain points and refuse to contemplate the possibility of having to do certain things and cope with the attendant moral problems. The things simply get done by the social machine, and one can keep one's clear conscience and one's moral indignation unsullied.

Today, nearly everyone is much better off. Yet the rackety existence of the majority is as far removed from the security enjoyed by the truly wealthy as it was in Victorian times.(...) The wealthy can pass their lives without contact with the rest of society. So long as they do not pose a threat to the reach, the poor can be left to their own devices. Social democracy has been replaced by the oligarchy of the rich as part of the price of peace.