Quotes About President

Slavery made America a slave to black history. As much as white America invented us, the nation can never be free of us now. America doesn't even exist without us. That's why Barack Obama was so offensive, so scary to white America. America shudders and says to itself: The president's supposed to be us, not them. In that light, Donald Trump's victory was hardly surprising.

Take the president of the United States, for example,' he says. 'I'm not talking about George Bush specifically as much as I'm generally talking about the position of president. What an awesome responsibility that must be to lead a country under the most scrutiny.

he's the first and only American President to ever address humanity's worst collective flaw, its total ignorance of reality.

The obvious question then, is why did Obama leave so many holes in the system? The answer that comes to mind is that this was deliberate. It was (perhaps) an unwritten agreement within the Deep State and between Obama and Clinton, that when she became president, she would then appoint all her own favorites to those vacancies – then generate a variety of controversies that would require court rulings

Individuals matter. Leadership matters. A different American president might have adopted a more cautious approach to engagement with this communist leader. Reagan, however, dared to be bold.

The result of all these unrealized schemes, however, was that Obama and Putin did not speak again for the next three years, until Putin became president again. No matter what the Russian constitution said, that lack of contact was not good for U.S.-Russian relations.

Quoted in the New York Times two days later, I called Bush's remarks a "rookie mistake." I went on: "I can understand the strategy on rapport, but it went too far . . . I think there is plenty of good reason not to trust President Putin. This is a man who was trained to lie."16 I was never invited back to brief President Bush again. Years later, during Obama's

We live in a time when we have fictitious election results that elect a fictitious president… a time where we have a man sending us to war for fictitious reasons…. We are against this war, Mr. Bush. Shame on you, Mr. Bush.

We live in the time where we have fictitious election results that elects a fictitious president. We live in a time where we have a man sending us to war for fictitious reasons.

The president operates effectively as head of the national security state as long as he stays within the parameters of its primary dedication—which is to advance the interests of corporate investors and protect the overall global capital accumulation process.

Barack Obama is elected for another four-year term, he'll be president for life. He'll be the new Hugo Chavez. He'll do away with the two-term limit and win the 2016 election with 90 percent of the vote. We have less than six months to make sure this doesn't happen.

In any pandemic, effective leadership is critical, and the first responsibility of the president or the head of any nation is to offer accurate and up-to-date information, provided by public health experts, not agenda-oriented political operatives.

For every member of the White House senior staff this would be the lasting conundrum of dealing with President Trump: the "why" of his often baffling behavior. "The president fundamentally wants to be liked" was Katie Walsh's analysis. "He just fundamentally needs to be liked so badly that it's always … everything is a struggle for him.

When he came off the podium after delivering his address, he kept repeating, "Nobody will forget this speech." George W. Bush, on the dais, supplied what seemed likely to become the historic footnote to the Trump address: "That's some weird shit.

said the president in his first week in the White House during a late-night call. "It's all exaggerated. My exaggerations are exaggerated.

But the prospect of her husband's actually becoming president was, for Melania, a horrifying one. She believed it would destroy her carefully sheltered life—one sheltered, not inconsiderably, from the extended Trump family—which was almost entirely focused on her young son.

The point could hardly have been clearer: if the president was pressuring the director because he feared that an investigation of Michael Flynn would damage him, then this was an obstruction of justice.

Others were now recruited and, despite their obvious impressions of the man, agreed to sign on. Jim Mattis, a retired four-star general, one of the most respected commanders in the U.S. armed forces; Rex Tillerson, CEO of ExxonMobil; Scott Pruitt and Betsy DeVos, Jeb Bush loyalists—all of them were now focused on the singular fact that while he might be a peculiar figure, even an absurd-seeming one, he had been elected president

Bannon had announced himself as Trump's brain, a boast that vastly irritated the president.

In a way, Robert Mueller had come to accept the dialectical premise of Donald Trump—that Trump is Trump. It was circular reasoning to hold the president's essential character against him. Put another way, confronted by Donald Trump, Bob Mueller threw up his hands. Surprisingly, he found himself in agreement with the greater White House: Donald Trump was the president, and, for better or for worse, what you saw was what you got—and what the country voted for.

Trump often spoke of himself in the third person. Trump did this. The Trumpster did that. So powerful was this persona, or role, that he seemed reluctant, or unable, to give it up in favor of being president—or presidential.

He had somehow won the race for president, but his brain seemed incapable of performing what would be essential tasks in his new job. He had no ability to plan and organize and pay attention and switch focus; he had never been able to tailor his behavior to what the goals at hand reasonably required. On the most basic level, he simply could not link cause and effect.

The president, while often a fabulist in his depiction of the world, was quite a literalist when it came to how he saw himself.

The president himself, absent any organizational rigor, often acted as his own chief of staff, or, in a sense, elevated the press secretary job to the primary staff job, and then functioned as his own press secretary