Quotes About President

In the election of President and Vice-President the Constitution (Article II) prescribes that "each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors" for the purpose of choosing a President and Vice-President.

The official term of the President was fixed at six instead of four years, and it was provided that he should not be eligible for reëlection. This was in accordance with the original draft of the Constitution of 1787.

The President promised me to reflect upon this proposition, and to confer with his Cabinet upon the propriety of adopting it. All Cabinet consultations are secret; which is equivalent to saying that I never knew what occurred in that meeting to which my proposition was submitted. The result was not communicated to me, but the events which followed proved that the suggestion was not accepted.

Both groups [of pundits] were critics, and that is the heart of the problem. If you are a pundit, you seem so smart when you are telling the President what he did wrong… This [is] mostly BS.

a tale about America's first president not lying is itself apparently a lie.

Trump had been lying for his entire adult life, and far from being brought down by this pervasive dishonesty, he had been elected president of the United States. Why change what was working so well? And in any event, what man in his eighth decade changes such a fundamental aspect of his character? Not Trump.

It was the clearest evidence so far, according to many in the Mueller office, that the president had committed a crime in office—obstruction of justice.

Trump did, in short, exactly what Mueller said he did. The two men—president and prosecutor—were like photo negatives of each other. Trump could not tell the truth, and Mueller could not tell a lie.

Certainly, Mueller found abundant evidence that Trump and his campaign wanted to collude and conspire with Russia, but they hadn't been able to close the deal.

Mueller had uncovered extensive evidence that Trump committed the crime of obstruction of justice—repeatedly.

The president and first lady arrived a few minutes later, and Trump immediately walked up to Hutson, ogled her up and down, and said to Giuliani, "Great job, Rudy!" (Melania Trump, disgusted by her husband's leering, walked off and refused to pose for photographs.)

In a press briefing on May 10, Sarah Sanders, who was then the deputy press secretary, said that Rosenstein had decided "on his own" to review Comey's performance and then chose "on his own" to tell the president his views. (Both statements were lies.)

Until these interviews, it had been a theoretical question—an abstraction, not grounded in the facts of the investigation. But now there was evidence to make the issue real: Could Mueller—could any federal prosecutor—indict a sitting president of the United States?

In personal and political terms, Trump was incapable of empathy. Dirt on his political opponents was "big stuff"; the American national interest, as well as the lives of Ukrainians at war, was not. There was no need for a more complicated explanation for the root of the scandal that would soon engulf the president.

The president instructed the White House counsel to "correct" the Times story. This was different from the president's previous actions. This wasn't mere venting. Now Trump was asking a subordinate to create a false record about the subject of a pending grand jury investigation.

In a less polarized environment, the president and Congress would have responded to these findings with bipartisan outrage,

In October 2015, a time when he had already been running for president for several months, Trump signed a nonbinding letter of intent to license the Trump name to a potential office tower in Moscow.

In most circumstances, the opportunity to represent the president of the United States is highly coveted, the kind of assignment that would lead many lawyers to find a way around conflicts. But Washington's top lawyers formulated reasons to say no to Donald Trump.

Attorney-client privilege covered only conversations between lawyers and clients, so Jared and Ivanka's presence meant that the conversations with Trump's lawyers would not be privileged. But no one seemed to care, least of all the president.

Because I have been very loyal to you, very loyal, we had that thing, you know," Trump said, according to Comey's notes. (Comey thought this was an example of Trump's penchant for Mafia talk. When making improper demands, the president, like the gangsters, would switch to a studied vagueness—like "that thing, you know.")

Rosenstein had never been in the Oval Office or met Trump before this day, and he received a fast introduction to the president's conversational style—the meandering subject matter, the mumbled sentence fragments, the persistent aggression.

All the president cared about was using Ukraine—this battered, vulnerable, embattled nation—to help him get reelected.

America is an idea. And it's the solemn responsibility of each 'temporary' president to protect and nurture that noblest of all ideas - with integrity. This man, Mitt Romney, has shown - not through his experience, but through his actions and words - that he is unqualified to carry out that responsibility.

The question is what will Mitt Romney do as president if his policy is simply to be hands off and let the government be made so small it can be drowned in a bathtub. In the 21st century global economy, no state alone has the ability to compete against China.