Quotes About Politics

When Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld conflate what is good for Lockheed, Halliburton, Carlyle and Gilead with what is good for the United States and indeed the world, it is a form of projection with uniquely dangerous consequences.

From Chile to China to Iraq, torture has been a silent partner in the global free-market crusade.

Clinton's brand of identity politics does not challenge the system that produced and entrenched these inequalities, but seeks only to make that system more "inclusive.

And there has been no more effective way to convince white voters to support the defunding of schools, bus systems, and welfare than by telling them (however wrongly) that most of the beneficiaries of those services are darker-skinned people, many of them "illegal," out

Politics hates a vacuum. If it isn't filled with hope, someone will fill it with fear

President Franklin D. Roosevelt spoke out strongly against war profiteers, saying, "I don't want to see a single war millionaire created in the United States as a result of this world disaster.

there's a real risk today of repeating those mistakes—of coming together around lowest-common-denominator demands such as "Impeach Trump" or "Elect Democrats" and, in the process, losing our focus on the conditions and politics that allowed Trump's rise and are fueling the growth of far-right parties around the world.

Trump didn't just enter politics as a so-called outsider, somebody who doesn't play by the rules. He entered politics playing by a completely different set of rules—the rules of branding. According to those rules, you don't need to be objectively good or decent; you only need to be true and consistent to the brand you have created

it is not that "we" are broke or that we lack options. It is that our political class is utterly unwilling to go where the money is (unless it's for a campaign contribution), and the corporate class is dead set against paying its fair share.

It seems to me that our problem has a lot less to do with the mechanics of solar power than the politics of human power—specifically whether there can be a shift in who wields it, a shift away from corporations and toward communities, which in turn depends on whether or not the great many people who are getting a rotten deal under our current system can build a determined and diverse enough social force to change the balance of power.

When Hillary Clinton called out identifiable groups at every rally, declaring that she would "stand up" for each of them, it was too tepid an offering to build the ground-swell of support she needed. So while white identity politics pumped up Trump's base, trickle-down identity politics fell flat for his opponent.

In crucial states such as Iowa, Ohio, and Wisconsin, Clinton drew 15 to 20 percent fewer Democratic voters than Barack Obama had in 2012.

Looking ahead to coming disasters, ecological and political, we often assume that we are all going to face them together, that what's needed are leaders who recognize the destructive course we are on. But I'm not so sure. Perhaps part of the reason why so many of our elites, both political and corporate, are so sanguine about climate change is that they are confident they will be able to buy their way out of the worst of it.

You cannot advocate massive economic change in a country without that change having big political consequences.

That he won at all is the result of an electoral college system originally designed to protect the power of slave owners.

In December 1994, Yeltsin did what so many desperate leaders have done throughout history to hold on to power: he started a war. His national security chief, Oleg Lobov, had confided to a legislator, "We need a small, victorious war to raise the president's ratings," and the defense minister predicted that his army could defeat the forces in the breakaway republic of Chechnya in a matter of hours—a cakewalk. 59

Democracy isn't the work of the market's invisible hand; it is the work of real hands.

What's extraordinary about Donald Trump's presidency is that now we are all inside the Trump branded world, whether we want to be or not.

By this point in history—after the 2008 collapse of Wall Street and in the midst of layers of ecological crises—free market fundamentalists should, by all rights, be exiled to a similarly irrelevant status, left to fondle their copies of Milton Friedman's Free to Choose and Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged in obscurity.

In 2013 in the United States alone, the oil and gas industry spent just under $400,000 a day lobbying Congress and government officials, and the industry doled out a record $73 million in federal campaign and political donations during the 2012 election cycle, an 87 percent jump from the 2008 elections.

Next you will cry about taxation without representation, and throw a basket of tea into the harbor. You are indeed a very Jacobin at heart, and I think I must give up trying to cure you of it; I can but wash my hands and deny responsibility

No one was enchanted beyond saving in the songs. The hero always saved them. There was no ugly moment in a dark cellar where the countess wept and cried out protest while three wizards put the count to death, and then made court politics out of it.

Beauty' is a currency system like the gold standard. Like any economy, it is determined by politics, and in the modern age in the West is is the last, best belief system that keeps male dominance intact.

Beauty" is a currency system like the gold standard. Like any economy, it is determined by politics, and in the modern age in the West it is the last, best belief system that keeps male dominance intact. In assigning value to women in a vertical hierarchy according to a culturally imposed physical standard, it is an expression of power relations in which women must unnaturally compete for resources that men have appropriated for themselves.