Quotes About Politics

We have got to get to the point of looking very, very hard at who is running for office, Kelly said. We need to look at their character, their record on integrity, morality ... then say, 'Now let's talk politics.

En política latinoamericana la cosa no es poder ni querer sino joder.

Pero todos se sirven del mismo mazo, todos se alimentan de la misma mentira. Y nosotros leemos, y, a partir de esa lectura, creemos, votamos, discutimos, perdemos la memoria, nos olvidamos generosa, cretinamente, de que hoy dicen lo contrario de ayer, que hoy defienden ardorosamente a aquél de quien ayer dijeron pestes, y, lo peor de todo, que hoy ese mismo Aquél acepta, orgulloso y ufano, esa defensa.

Y nosotros leemos, y, a partir de esa lectura, creemos, votamos, discutimos, perdemos la memoria, nos olvidamos generosa, cretinamente, de que hoy dicen lo contrario de ayer, que hoy defienden ardorosamente a aquél de quien ayer dijeron pestes, y, lo peor de todo, que hoy ese mismo Aquél acepta, orgulloso y ufano, esa defensa.

Our black president can't say that he's for gay marriage. That is upsetting to me.

We campaign in poetry. But when we're elected we're forced to govern in prose.

Democracy is not meant to be efficient, it is meant to be fair.

You campaign in poetry. You govern in prose.

The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail... We democrats believe that we can make it all the new way with the whole family intact

If governments let themselves be fully bound by the decisions of their parliaments without protecting their own freedom to act, a breakup of Europe would be a more probable outcome than deeper integration.

I consider that the chief dangers which confront the coming century will be…religion without the Holy Ghost, Christianity without Christ, forgiveness without repentance, salvation without regeneration, politics without God and heaven without hell." —WILLIAM BOOTH, founder of The Salvation Army

At the moment, world hunger and starvation have everything to do with politics. Political conflicts, insufficient responses to natural disasters, corrupt political institutions, and inequalities in income and education constitute what public health practitioners call the 'root' causes of hunger and malnutrition.

This book exposes the ways in which food companies use political processes—entirely conventional and nearly always legal—to obtain government and professional support for the sale of their products. Its twofold purpose is to illuminate the extent to which the food industry determines what people eat and to generate much wider discussion of the food industry's marketing methods and use of the political system.

Innocence and guilt are legal concepts which have little relevance to the political world,

There are men of character in the U.S. Congress, both House and Senate. There are women of character, too. But the evidence for "character" needs to be something other than the iteration of the word itself.

suddenly both parties have become theologians, the one side quoting the Pentateuch to justify slavery, the other side quoting the gospel to condemn it:... the people of the thirty-three United States, who are eminently and essentially political, cannot discuss a political matter without quoting the old and New Testa- ments!"97

continued with considerable bitterness into the 1700s. Moreover, the devastating Thirty Years' War (1618–48), which was fought over a confused welter of religious, political, and economic matters, had enervated central European life in general, including the churches.

Serious theological strife and strategic political reversals had confined Lutheranism to the German and Scandinavian lands. Anabaptists such as the Mennonites remained a marginalized, often fugitive, people. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Reformed varieties of Protestantism continued to expand in Holland, Switzerland, the British Isles, and for a time in France. But

But for the sake of simplicity we can speak about four dimensions: the way that evangelicals (1) adopted republican theories of politics, (2) took as their own democratic theories of society, (3) embraced liberal views of the economy (all discussed in this chapter), and (4) domesticated the Enlightenment for Christian purposes (examined in somewhat greater detail in the next chapter).

What followed was even worse. The drive to return the papacy to Rome led to a complicated, often sordid, intensely competitive period in which two, and sometimes even three, rival popes clamored for political and religious recognition.

In sum, the ability of what had once been a socially responsible, moderately intellectual, Arminian evangelical Methodism and a socially responsible, reasonably comprehensive, Calvinistic Presbyterianism to make any kind of a sharp Christian impact on Christian thought, society, politics, or spirituality was fatally compromised by what Barry Mack has very precisely labelled 'the tragic failure of Church Union.

In their addresses, both Graham and Stott paused for self-criticism. Graham confessed that it had been too easy for him "to identify the Gospel with . . . one political program or culture."[172

Republicanism was easier to evolve than to define.

One would think the governments of these countries would know better, but they are just as asinine as all governments throughout history. Maybe