Quotes About Politics

you will marvel at how very unusual Yale's team of star performers is in combining rigor and objectivity with the personal warmth and trust that avoids "politics" or "positioning" and maximizes real listening for full understanding every day.

You have to give me something, Seafort. Politics is the art of the possible." Father gazed at the Station. "Sir, I can give you nothing. Morality is ... the art of the absolute.

I am a capitalist and I am a bit of a right winger, and I think in many ways the system we have got at the moment is really not a bad system. I think capitalism is a good thing. The only problem with capitalism is that it destroys the planet, and that it's based on growth. I mean apart from those two little details it's got a lot to be said in its favour.

But few of us really stop to ask ourselves what new information might change our minds, especially on questions of politics and identity. We fall into the trap of confirmation bias, in which rather than updating our prior beliefs, we mould new information into a form that will confirm them.

but President Harding told Secretary of State Hughes, "Frankly, it is difficult for me to be consistently patient with our good friends of the Church who are properly and earnestly zealous in promoting peace until it comes to making warfare on someone of the contending religion…"23

Whenever you discuss politics, it is always better to use individual names rather then the term neocon.

To balance China, the democracies will need new friends - and India with its fast-growing economy, youthful population, and democratic politics seems the obvious candidate.

Trump does not picture his role as being a leader; he sees his role as going on national television and criticizing the leadership of others.

The disease will strike harder in the Blue-voting cities than the Red-voting empty spaces, and many in the Blue zone may blame the Red for the miseries ahead. In the next political chapter, there will be little patience for those earnest anthropological expeditions into MAGA-land that once engaged so much media energy. How do you listen to people if you blame their votes for killing your mother before her time?

Trust remains the coin of the realm in politics. A President who is trusted, by the people, by the congress, by the press, by foreign countries, is a President who can get a lot of good things done.

Superheroes] aren't fascists. They are just ordinary, decent, super-powerful people who inhabit a world in which fascism is the only political possibility.

But in the years since the neoliberal project really has been stripped down to what was always its essence: not an economic project at all, but a political project, designed to devastate the imagination, and willing – with it's cumbersome securitization and insane military projects – to destroy the capitalist order itself if that's what it took to make it seem inevitable.

How inevitable, really, were the type of governments we have today, with their particular fusion of territorial sovereignty, intense administration and competitive politics? Was this really the necessary culmination of human history?

politically, there is no better way to ensure people are not politically active or aware than to have them working, commuting to work, or preparing for work every moment of the day.

Stateless societies tend also to be without markets.

what is the status of all this money continually being funneled into the U.S. treasury? Are these loans? Or is it tribute?

The Right, at least, has a critique of bureaucracy. It's not a very good one. But at least it exists. The Left has none. As a result, when those who identify with the Left do have anything negative to say about bureaucracy, they are usually forced to adopt a watered-down version of the right-wing critique.

The genealogy of the modern redistributive state—with its notorious tendency to foster identity politics—can be traced back not to any sort of "primitive communism" but ultimately to violence and war.

A los académicos les encanta la teoría de Foucault que identifica conocimiento y poder y que insiste en que la fuerza bruta ya no era un factor primordial en el control social. Les gusta porque les favorece: es la fórmula perfecta para aquellos que quieren verse a sí mismos como políticos radicales aunque se limitan a escribir ensayos que apenas leerán una docena de personas en un ámbito institucional

on a political level, where every arbitrary act of power tends to reinforce a feeling that it's not power, but arbitrariness—that is, freedom itself—that is the problem.

End of work arguments became increasingly popular in the late seventies and early eighties, as radical thinkers pondered what would happen to traditional working-class struggle once there was no longer a working class. (The answer: it would turn into identity politics.)

Capital, then, is not simply money. It is not even just wealth that can be turned into money. But neither is it just the use of political power to help one use one's money to make more money.

Whatever the case, the closest Hobbes himself came to suggesting this state really existed was when he noted how the only people who weren't under the ultimate authority of some king were the kings themselves, and they always seemed to be at war with one another.

Todos los estados-nación modernos están construidos sobre la base del gasto deficitario. La deuda se ha erigido en tema central de la política internacional. Pero nadie parece saber exactamente qué es ni qué pensar de ella.