Quotes About Politics

No self-respecting free city would allow politicians to weigh in on refugee issues.

Faith and politics ought to be united in a Christian who has a political vocation, but they are not to be identified [as one]…Faith ought to inspire political action, not be mistaken for it

My final thought now is that as in religion and the arts, so in politics; if men do not balance their feelings and intelligence they lose command of both - and worse still, of their object.

Was she the worst possible candidate or are you the most arrogant, ill, and unqualified electorate in the history of the Western world?

To make matters worse, politicians occasionally accuse rivals of deliberately trying to harm their own country—a charge so destructive to group unity that most past societies would probably have just punished it as a form of treason.

So how do you unify a secure, wealthy country that has sunk into a zero-sum political game with itself?

Johnson did what most politicians do to douse political fires: he formed a study group.

Messages continued to arrive from the Earl of Warwick, urging Londoners to hold firm for King Harry. Marguerite d'Anjou and her son were expected to land at any time, while from St Albans, Edward sent word that Harry of Lancaster was to be considered a prisoner of state. At that, John Stockton, the Mayor of London, contracted a diplomatic virus and took to his bed.

She opened her mouth, clamped it shut again. This was new, this sudden favor shown Gloucester, had been brought back with him from Burgundy like some malevolent foreign pox.

You seem to forget, Dickon, that we are dealing with the Spider King. Louis realized, just as you have, that it would take more to mate dog to cat than a shared lust for the English crown.

Statecraft and kingship were not for the faint of heart

He was too astute a politician, too ambitious a Prince, to confuse friendship with statecraft.

As cultural politics change, museums change with them.

Democracy, Ganapathi, is perhaps the most arrogant of all forms of government, because only democrats presume to represent an entire people: monarchs and oligarchs have no such pretensions. But democracies that turn authoritarian go a step beyond arrogance; they claim to represent a people subjugating themselves. India was now the laboratory of this strange political experiment. Our people would be the first in the world to vote on their own subjugation.

The ISI may well be Pakistan's answer to the Holy Roman Empire, which was neither holy, Roman nor an empire: it

we have reduced our politics to black and white today: either for or against, nothing in between. Fifty Shades of Grey could never be the title of a book about Indian politics. This view of

As Manu S. Pillai acidly observes, 'In other words, there is nothing a quiet ghar wapsi cannot solve when it comes to the building of a good dharmocracy.'90

Trudeau's Willy Brandt moment needs to find its British echo.

there were seats reserved for Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and so on. This resulted in the aggravation of communal identities, since what little politics was permitted could quickly devolve into a communal competition for limited resources. Public sentiments could be aroused to exaggerate differences amongst Indians, which redounded to the benefit of the British, who, of course, were above it all.

Jawaharlal Nehru put it sharply: the Indian Civil Service, he said, was 'neither Indian, nor civil, nor a service'.

Andrew Johnson. He had been lying rather low since the inauguration, yet he showed this evening that he had lost none of his talent for invective on short notice.

Back home the election was over; the country had a new president: 'Mr Roosevelt' he was called at first, then 'Roosevelt,' then 'that Roosevelt,' and finally just 'he' or 'him' by mouths that twisted bitterly on the pronoun, for the westering boats were crowded with expatriates—"A traitor to his class," they said.

So their relationship entered a new phase, characterized by enmity round the clock. True, they had fought all along—there had been the gladiatorial contests in which she would snatch up any handy weapon to even the odds. But that sort of combat was almost a sporting thing: it seemed the natural way to close their arguments, just as war is said to be an extension of politics, statecraft.

Clearly, these two developments—corporate dominance and a managed electorate—point to a certain political rigidity that is reflected in perhaps the most striking aspect of the present predicament: the absence of alternatives other than variations on the theme of economic orthodoxy.