Quotes About Politics

Alla vigilia della "marcia su Roma", durante un convegno del Pnf tenuto a Napoli (24 ottobre 1922), il duce proclamò che il fascismo rispettava la monarchia e l'esercito, riconosceva il valore della religione cattolica, intendeva attuare una politica liberista favorevole al capitale privato e restaurare l'ordine e la disciplina nel paese.

Inoltre, la brevità trascorsa dalla nascita all'ascesa al potere aiuta anche a comprendere i motivi per i quali Mussolini e il partito fascista impiegarono tre anni prima di instaurare un regime a partito unico, mentre il bolscevismo e il nazismo, movimenti politici più anziani, e quindi più coesi e meglio organizzati, poterono farlo nel giro di pochi mesi.

Ever, while you live, choose the popular side in an election; that is, if you have no particular political prejudices of your own; for there is no comparison between a reception of cheers, applause, and good-will, and one of cabbage-stalks, groans, and bad eggs. Besides, there is something exhilarating in the real, genuine affection (while it lasts) of a mob for their favourite of a day.

Now, my dear Mr. Douglas, don't go off on those tiresome foreign affairs. What can it signify which conquers which, or who dethrones who, at that distance? Let them fight it out quietly. Besides, you need not pretend to understand national feuds if you have not found out what is passing under your eyes;

The working classes contribute almost nothing to our corporate public opinion, and therefore, the fact of their want of influence in Parliament does not impair the coincidence of Parliament with public opinion. They are left out in the representation, and also in the thing represented.

A statesman ought to show his own nature, and talk in a palpable way what is to him important truth. And so he will both guide and benefit the nation. But if, especially at a time when great ignorance has an unusual power in public affairs, he chooses to accept and reiterate the decisions of that ignorance, he is only the hireling of the nation, and does little save hurt it.

The moderate people of every party must combine to support the Government which, on the whole, suits every party best.

The British Empire is a miscellaneous aggregate, and each bit of the aggregate brings its bit of business to the House of Commons.

The nation, even if it chose for itself, would, in some degree, be an unskilled body; but when it does not choose for itself, but only as latent agitators wish, it is like a large, lazy man, with a small vicious mind.

But in all cases it must be remembered that a political combination of the lower classes, as such and for their own objects, is an evil of the first magnitude; that a permanent combination of them would make them (now that so many of them have the suffrage) supreme in the country; and that their supremacy, in the state they now are, means the supremacy of ignorance over instruction and of numbers over knowledge.

The experiment of a strictly Parliamentary Republic—of a Republic where the Parliament appoints the executive—is being tried in France at an extreme disadvantage, because in France a Parliament is unusually likely to be bad, and unusually likely also to be free enough to show its badness.

A democracy will never, save after an awful catastrophe, return what has once been conceded to it, for to do so would be to admit an inferiority in itself, of which, except by some almost unbearable misfortune, it could never be convinced.

The danger of the House of Commons is, perhaps, that it will be reformed too rashly; the danger of the House of Lords certainly is, that it may never be reformed.

You have not a perception of the first elements in this matter till you know that government by a CLUB is a standing wonder.

But a government by discussion, if it can be borne, at once breaks down the yoke of fixed custom.

Religion is the best weapon to rule or use a nation if you know how to use it.

The immense advantage of positive science over theology, metaphysics, politics, and judicial right consists in this—that, in place of the false and fatal abstractions set up by these doctrines, it posits true abstractions which express the general nature and logic of things, their general relations, and the general laws of their development.

We must not only act politically, but in our politics act religiously, religiously in the sense of freedom, of which the one true expression is justice and love.

Anarchism is "stateless socialism."

With all due respect, then, to the metaphysicians and religious idealists, philosophers, politicians, or poets: The idea of God implies the abdication of human reason and justice; it is the most decisive negation of human liberty, and necessarily ends in the enslavement of mankind, both in theory and practice.

You know what kind of person it takes to run for President? Not normal. They could start out okay, but by the time they reach that level they've sold their soul to the devil so many times and stomped the guts out of enough people that they are definitely not like you and me, not even close.

He earned a national reputation managing large political campaigns, turning them into media-driven extravaganzas with emphasis on sound bites and perception over any kind of substance, and his win rate was astonishingly high. That probably said more for the gullibility of the modern voter than the high standards of the modern candidate.

Our whole political machinery presupposes a people so fundamentally at one that they can safely afford to bicker.

Kill a politician and you're tied to the motive that made you pull the trigger.