Quotes About Inequality

In Rio, 1.4 million of the 6.3 million people live in favelas, or slums. They are all over the city, but favelas are not always a problem - sometimes they can be a solution, if you have the right public policies.

We must focus on our biggest enemy, poverty. There is no single-state solution to it, and that is a noble goal.

We live in an interconnected world, in an interconnected time, and we need holistic solutions. We have a crisis of inequality, and we need climate solutions that solve that crisis.

Internationally, I propose the radical step of not trying to solve complex political problems with 1,000lb bombs; domestically, I propose they start addressing inequality by paying reparations for slavery. I'm well aware that in a society where war and discrimination are now almost entirely normalised, both options sound like madness.

There is no off-roading to solve income inequality for people of color. They must have broadband.

Under-representation of women and other inequality among researchers is a problem that will not solve itself as women acquire competence.

You can't solve a problem as complex as inequality in one legal clause.

Labour ministers often look puzzled when reports show that Britain has one of the lowest levels of social mobility in the developed world. They just don't get it. They see poverty, inequality, fairness, as all about income. For the past 12 years, they have relied on tax credits to solve this. But tax credits do not solve poverty: they mask it.

We don't need to cure hunger - we know how to solve hunger - it's food, it's nutrition, and it's really a question of access.

The idea of solving as huge and long-term a problem as inequality - which, for my money, is the biggest single problem we have here at home - just never gets serious concern from both sides.

Let some people get rich first.

Sometimes, you have to remind yourself that some people are just trying to find something to eat.

The poor are discussed as this homogeneous mash, like porridge. The idea that they might be individuals, and be where they are for very different, diverse reasons, again seems to escape some people.

If my career continues along its current arc, people will probably look at me and see a writer who is obsessed with the relationship between rich and poor and with how the rich somehow or other always manage to betray the poor, even when they don't mean to.

All love is socioeconomic. It's the gradients in status that make arousal possible.

He ended the world because it was not to his liking and here I am challenging the same monster for a fifteen-year-old rat from the slums

the harsh truth of every relationship, even between those who love each other, like fathers and sons and daughters, or husbands and wives, is that the love is always unequal.

I love being famous. It's almost like being white.

I am an aristocrat. I love liberty I hate equality.

We regard the minimum wage rate as one of the most, if not the most, antiblack laws on the statute books. The government first provides schools in which many young people, disproportionately black, are educated so poorly that they do not have the skills that would enable them to get good wages. It then penalizes them a second time by preventing them from offering to work for low wages as a means of inducing employers to give them on-the-job training. All this is in the name of helping the poor.

When people are kept in abject poverty and illiteracy while others grow rich and "develop their personalities" at the former's expense we speak of oppression; when structures and persons that perpetuate powerlessness are replaced by structures that allow people to stand on their own feet and have their own voice, we speak of liberation.2 Both

One may denounce corruption in the developing world and the developed world alike, but in the age when billionaires stalk a globe on which 50 percent of its people live on less than two dollars a day, can one really be surprised that customs officers, policemen, judges, politicians, and bureaucrats are often tempted?

Force people to live on top of one another like that," says Al Lovejoy as he describes the townships he knows intimately, "and you are bound to pick up social stress that expresses itself in violence. What I could never understand is why there wasn't more violence.

Perhaps the most terrifying statistic of all that Soares uncovered was that in Albany County (minority population 13 percent) more than 95 percent of imprisoned drug law offenders were black or Hispanic. Whichever way you look at the figure, it can mean only one thing—something is rotten in the state.