Quotes About Welfare

A society that has more justice is a society that needs less charity.

Society exists for the benefit of its members, not the members for the benefit of society.

The hallmark of a healthy society has always been measured by how it cares for the disadvantaged.

But what sets Europe apart is we insist on a social model that consists of solidarity, equal opportunity and a certain amount of redistribution.

Some things are too important to be left to the private sector.

You can not simultaneously have free immigration and a welfare state.

There were legions of her kind during the nineteen-thirties, women from the age of thirty and upward, who crowded into their war-bereaved spinsterhood with voyages of discovery into new ideas and energetic practices in art and social welfare, education or religion.

And there has been no more effective way to convince white voters to support the defunding of schools, bus systems, and welfare than by telling them (however wrongly) that most of the beneficiaries of those services are darker-skinned people, many of them "illegal," out

The stars in their courses, never all that concerned with the welfare of the human race, tonight looked especially indifferent.

No matter what happens in public—no matter what—don't doubt that I love you and care about your welfare . . . as much as I am able.

Big government doesn't help the middle class, it buries it.

Most men are so far from making God their chief end, in their natural and civil actions, that, in these matters, God is not in all their thoughts. . . . They seek God indeed, but not for himself, but for themselves. They seek him not at all, but for their own welfare; so their whole life is woven into one web of practical blasphemy; making God the means, and self their end; yea, their chief end.

The mid-1960s also saw a change in the way a good portion of the American intellectual class chose to view poverty and welfare. Contemptuously dismissed was any distinction between a "deserving" and a "non-deserving" poor; such thinking was said to be terribly judgmental.

In the late 1990s, when President Bill Clinton said he intended to "end welfare as we know it," he proposed an increase in the Job Corps budget. So a program that had been a total failure for three decades, with very little to show for the billions it had squandered, was to be rewarded with a bigger budget.

The welfare state is the oldest con game in the world. First you take people's money away quietly and then you give some of it back to them flamboyantly.

No matter how much people on the left talk about compassion, they have no compassion for the taxpayers.

The welfare state contributes to this disparity by (1) reducing the need for people at the bottom to earn income and (2) by penalizing their earning of income, since higher income leads to a reduction in eligibility for government benefits.

You cannot subsidize irresponsibility and expect people to become more responsible.

The burgeoning of the American welfare state in the second half of the twentieth century and the declining effectiveness of the American criminal justice system at the same time allowed borrowed and counterproductive cultural traits to continue and flourish among those blacks who had not yet moved beyond that culture, thereby prolonging the life of a chaotic, counterproductive, dangerous, and self-destructive subculture in many urban ghettos.

In Hawaii, the most generous state, an unemployed single mother with two children has been eligible for welfare benefits worth more than $49,000 a year.

Of the $16.5 billion the federal government transfers to states for TANF, more than $11 billion is siphoned off for other uses, sometimes to fund a state's child welfare system. Strained state budgets are thus eased. TANF has become welfare for the states rather than aid for families

America's cash welfare program—the main government program that caught people when they fell—was not merely replaced with the 1996 welfare reform; it was very nearly destroyed. In its place arose a different kind of safety net, one that provides a powerful hand up to some—the working poor—but offers much less to others, those who can't manage to find or keep a job.

Out of every one hundred Americans, fewer than two get aid from today's cash welfare program. Just 27 percent of poor families with children participate. There are more avid postage stamp collectors in the United States than welfare recipients.

At the old welfare program's height in 1994, it served more than 14.2 million people—4.6 million adults and 9.6 million children. In 2012, the year Modonna took her trip to the DHS office, there were only 4.4 million people left on the rolls—1.1 million adults (about a quarter of whom were working) and 3.3 million kids. That's a 69 percent decline. By fall 2014, the TANF caseload had fallen to 3.8 million. Before