Quotes About Policy

The cause of homelessness is lack of housing.

they have never presented a coherent and compelling explanation of why this market should be treated differently from other markets.

Piecemeal social engineering resembles physical engineering in regarding the ends as beyond the province of technology.

We must plan for freedom, and not only for security, if for no other reason than that only freedom can make security secure.

When the Marxists say, as they sometimes do, that Marx has proved the uselessness of a counter cycle policy and of similar piecemeal measures, then they simply do not speak the truth; Marx investigated an unrestrained capitalism, and he never dreamt of interventionism.

Ben bir ölçek önermi?tim: Ço?unluk bir hükümet de?i?ikli?ini arzu etti?i takdirde, devletin politik kurumlar? vatanda?lar?na, kan dökmeksizin hükümet de?i?ikli?ini gerçekle?tirmeyi mümkün k?l?yorsa, o devlet politik olarak özgürdür. Daha k?sa bir ifadeyle: yöneticilerimizden kan dökmeden kurtulabiliyorsak özgürüz demektir. (Hayat Problem Çözmektir)

Where is the invisible hand? "It is often invisible because it is not here," according to economist Joseph Stiglitz.

War is regarded as nothing but the continuation of state policy with other means.

With the uncertainties of the great geopolitical shifts of the twenty-first century such as climate change, global financial upheaval, the increasing number of people over sixty and the prospect of diminishing state guarantees over provision for our general health or our later years, understanding how to strengthen that (our) relationship could be the best investment policy of our lives.

Governments who manipulate population growth have two choices: making maternity pleasant, or making it inescapable.

Come along, you need to sleep," he argued, but she pushed his hands away. "I'm just resting my eyes." "And Napoleon just had a mild interest in foreign policy. Come on.

Economics is the mother tongue of public policy,

Governments have historically opted to tax what they could, rather than what they should, and it shows.

Out of all of these power relationships, when it comes to the workings of the economy, one in particular demands attention: the power of the wealthy to reshape the economy's rules in their favour.

Rethinking economics is not about finding the correct one (because it doesn't exist); it's about choosing or creating one that best serves our purpose—reflecting the context we face, the values we hold, and the aims we have.

And here's the rub. Humanity's journey through the twenty-first century will be led by the policymakers, entrepreneurs, teachers, journalists, community organisers, activists and voters who are being educated today. But these citizens of 2050 are being taught an economic mindset that is rooted in the textbooks of 1950, which in turn are rooted in the theories of 1850. Given the fast-changing nature of the twenty-first century, this is shaping up to be a disaster.

by the end of the 1950s, output growth had become the overriding policy objective in industrial countries.

the last decades of the twentieth century, the focus shifted from measuring GNP to today's more familiar GDP, the income generated within a nation's borders.

Such redistributive policies can be life-changing for those who benefit from them. But they still may not get to the root of economic inequalities because they focus on redistributing income, not the wealth that generates it. Tackling inequality at root calls for democratising the ownership of wealth, argues the historian and economist Gar Alperovitz, because 'political-economic systems are largely defined by the way property is owned and controlled'.

In the words of Henry Wallich, governor of the US Federal Reserve in the 1970s, 'Growth is a substitute for equality of income. So long as there is growth there is hope, and that makes large income differentials tolerable.'70

the founding fathers of political economy were unabashed to talk of what they thought mattered and to articulate their views on the economy's purpose. But when political economy was split up into political philosophy and economic science in the late nineteenth century, it opened up what the philosopher Michael Sandel has called a 'moral vacancy' at the heart of public policymaking.

Economic externalities are framed—thanks to their very name—as a peripheral concern in mainstream theory.

An amicus curiae brief in Roe from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and several other medical groups observed that "a woman suffering from heart disease, diabetes or cancer whose pregnancy worsens the underlying pathology may be denied a medically indicated therapeutic abortion under the statute because death is not certain."8

The entire economy of the Western world is built on things that cause cancer.