Quotes About Lawmaking

A legislature continuously sitting, always making laws, always repealing laws, would have been both an anomaly and a nuisance.

But Connecticut and Rhode Island have originally realized the most perfect polity as to a legislature.

What will happen is the bills will start out the way we like them; in order to move them - we'll probably have to make compromises. That's the way the legislative process works when it's functioning.

Like most other states, Illinois has little regulation of the economic interests of legislators and relies on public disclosure to keep the lawmaking honest.

I was on the elections committee in my last session in the state House of Representatives.

The District of Columbia has every right to pass their own laws, and House Republicans should stay out of it.

I have been able to pass a number of pieces of legislation that have actually been signed into law by President Trump, which is a difficult thing in itself to get a bill passed.

After seeing the diabolically clever data-based approach taken by the North Carolina legislature in writing laws to make it more difficult for African Americans to vote, the comedian John Oliver congratulated the legislators for having "Money-balled racism.

There ought to be an onus on the people that want a law, rather than people that don't need a new law.

While one party may possess the levers of power, one party does not possess a monopoly on good ideas. Good lawmaking, after all, is about the ability to craft effective solutions.

Look, I'm a member of the House of Lords and I'm the first to admit that I don't understand how one gets new laws through.

If becoming a member of Congress is like going to college, then crafting legislation is our homework.

The Constitution of the United States... specifically states the Congress shall write legislation for immigration policy in the United States.

In New Mexico... I may have vetoed more legislation as governor of New Mexico than all the other governors in the country combined.

All told, the Fifty-first Congress passed 531 public laws, representing an unprecedented level of legislative accomplishment unequaled until Theodore Roosevelt's second term. After the final adjournment on March 3, the historian and Republican congressman Henry Cabot Lodge wrote, "No Congress in peace time since the first has passed so many great & important measures of lasting value to the people.

I know how to make sausage, and now that I've seen how laws are made, I'll stick with sausage.

Parliament is relentless, it never stops.

There are amendments never offered, there are bills never heard, that are basically killed because of the process.

This is why we can't leave the making of laws to men. They result in travesties of injustice that unfairly burden the poor. And women. Those high and mighty aristocrats, in their black robes and powdered wigs—they have no idea.

The Ledbetter episode came and went quickly. It is entirely predictable that other discrete disputes over the intent of Congress and the meaning of federal statutes will similarly come and go in the future. But there exists a more profound constitutionally-based struggle between the Court and Congress over the boundaries of congressional lawmaking authority, with origins deep in the country's history.

It was therefore understandable, Dahl said, "that the policy views dominant on the Court are never for long out of line with the policy views dominant among the lawmaking majorities of the United States.

The House and Senate also passed a joint

I grew up when 'Schoolhouse Rock' taught millions of American kids how a bill becomes a law.

Nothing passes unchallenged there; the Houses of Parliament hatch some twelve hundred laws every session, yet no member of Parliament has ever yet raised an objection to the system —