Quotes About Economy

American leaders sat by watching as vast sectors of their heavy industry hemorrhaged and ultimately fled offshore. Factories that didn't leave closed down. Some politicians actually assisted these industries

China had become America's banker for a simple reason. The United States needed ever-increasing infusions of cash.

Guns were out and butter was in, enough to grease the welfare skids and

Good-paying jobs were shipped to Mexico or Asia where they could be downgraded to sweatshop wages while the president made empty gestures about job training and touted the benefits of the global economy. It didn't matter whether they were Republicans or Democrats, they all sang the same song.

Because poverty is a symptom—of the absence of a workable economy built on credible political, social, and legal institutions.

The market was particularly strong in Chicago, which had more than a thousand known brothels.

Poverty is a symptom—of the absence of a workable economy built on credible political, social, and legal institutions.

Norma McCorvey ejerció en la criminalidad un impacto mucho mayor que la suma del control de armas, una economía fuerte y unas estrategias policiales innovadoras.

The growth of the Internet will slow drastically, as the flaw in 'Metcalfe's law'—which states that the number of potential connections in a network is proportional to the square of the number of participants—becomes apparent: most people have nothing to say to each other! By 2005 or so, it will become clear that the Internet's impact on the economy has been no greater than the fax machine's.

vaunted progress as a major player in the global economy

No fue el control de armas o un fuerte crecimiento económico o las nuevas estrategias policiales lo que finalmente atemperó la ola de crimen en Estados Unidos. Fue, entre otros factores, el hecho de que la fuente de criminales potenciales se había visto reducida de forma drástica.

So in the tradition of Poland Spring, Evian, and other hydro-geniuses, we've decided to bottle something that was freely available and charge you money for it.

In a typical election period that includes campaigns for the Presidency, the Senate and the House of Representatives, about one billion dollars is spent per year, which sounds like a lot of money, unless you care to measure it against something seemingly less important than Democratic elections.It is the same amount, for instance, that Americans spend every year on chewing gum.

After recent events, one might wonder if the macroeconomy is the domain of any economist.

Jane Jacobs observed in The Death and Life of Great American Cities: "The larger a city, the greater the variety of its manufacturing, and also the greater both the number and the proportion of its small manufacturers.

We pay to watch, read, or be in the presence of a flow experience. If quantified, you'd find it's a major chunk of the GDP.

we decided to take Drucker's advice and follow the money. First, we dubbed the amount of cash and coin people spend each year trying to get out of their heads the "Altered States Economy."29 And we didn't mean this metaphorically; we meant it literally. "Getting out of our heads

the Altered States Economy totals out to roughly $4 trillion a year. That's a sizable chunk of our income that we annually tithe to the Church of the Ecstatic. We spend more on this than we do on maternity care, humanitarian aid, and K–12 education combined." It's larger than the gross national product of Britain, India, or Russia. And to really put this in perspective, it's twice as many dollars as there are known galaxies in the entire

a free market puts a premium on empathy.

The Gross World Product today has grown almost a hundredfold since the Industrial Revolution was in place in 1820, and almost two hundredfold from the start of the Enlightenment in the 18th century.

In 18th-century England this cronyism gave way to open economies in which anyone could sell anything to anyone, and their transactions were protected by the rule of law, property rights, enforceable contracts, and institutions like banks, corporations, and government agencies that run by fiduciary duties rather than personal connections.

Market economies, in addition to reaping the benefits of specialization and providing incentives for people to produce things that other people want, solve the problem of coordinating the efforts of hundreds of millions of people by using prices to propagate information about need and availability far and wide, a computational problem that no planner is brilliant enough to solve from a central bureau.

To acknowledge that the lives of the lower and middle classes of developed countries have improved in recent decades is not to deny the formidable problems facing 21st-century economies.

Among the surprises in the statistics are that some things that sound exciting, like instant independence, natural resources, revolutionary Marxism (when it is effective), and electoral democracy (when it is not) can increase deaths from violence, and some things that sound boring, like effective law enforcement, openness to the world economy, UN peacekeepers, and Plumpy'nut, can decrease them.