Quotes About American

If this humor be the safety of our race, then it is due largely to the infusion into the American people of the Irish brain.

David Sarnoff had predicted, the radio became the ornate mahogany god of the American living room: there were three million sets in 1924, thirty million in 1936, and fifty million by 1940, by which time a simple radio could be had for less than ten dollars.

The framers discerned fundamental principles.... But our acceptance of the fundamental principles has not and should not bind us to those precise, at times anachronistic, contours. We current justices read the Constitution in the only way that we can: as 20th-century Americans.

McCarthy succeeded because he discovered and made full use of a tradition of American journalism—that most newpapermen report the news 'straight.' This means that if a prominent person says something sensational—even if untrue—the press normally will report the statement exactly as spoken ... The press simply acts as a mirror.

Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught the individual to protect his own rights American civilization will teach him to respect the rights of others.

The secretary of education does not work for the education establishment. The secretary works for the American people.

called Shattered Hearts: The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of American Indian Women and Girls in Minnesota. In 2011 the Minnesota Indian Women's Sexual Assault Coalition in conjunction with Prostitution Research and Education published their own report, titled Garden of Truth: The Prostitution and Trafficking of Native Women in Minnesota. These

In the largest sense, the preservation/sagebrush processes outlined in this story are driven by three basic components of American culture: land ownership, independence, and individualism.

If happiness truly consisted in physical ease and freedom from care, then the happiest individual would not be either a man or a woman; it would be, I think, an American cow.

tyranny is a central theme of American history, that racial exploitation and racial conflict have been part of the DNA of American culture.

At that time, American radio was a cauldron if impassioned voices—live preachers, talk-show hosts, and salesmen. The radio was shouting at you, pleading with you, and seducing you.

The WASP style was often portrayed on TV and in movies as a sort of archetypical American look, and some of my new friends seemed to subscribe to it. I decided I'd try it too. I'd tried other looks previously, like Glam dude and Amish geezer, so why not this one?

You did not get a very good review from Dr. Trinh," he wrote. "She was very quick to contact me and to let me know that I should stay away from you because you obviously wanted to do damage to the memory of our dearest Celestine. She also said that she did not feel that you were very intelligent, or maybe you were just American, she's not sure...

Let me say with a Georgia accent that we cannot solve this problem if it requires a diplomatic passport to claim the rights of an American citizen.

Identifying the flaw in the US philosophical roots requires that we move beyond the intellectual and emotional climate in which the Constitution was conceived and adopted. The meanings of concepts and words change with use, and even the Supreme Court has admitted that the original perspective of the American social contract has been altered by the passage of time.

As American conservatives have felt the ebb of cultural power away from them, they have come to feel watched and judged. They do not like it. "How does it feel to be a problem?" memorably asked W. E. B. Du Bois.

The "public" does not work—a sentence like "most of the American public works in the service industry" would never appear in a magazine or paper, and if a journalist were to attempt to write such a sentence, her editor would certainly change it to something else. It is especially odd since the public does apparently have to go to work:

indigenous American attitudes are likely to be far closer to the reader's own than seventeenth-century European ones.

In many societies – and American societies of that time appear to have been among them – it would have been quite inconceivable to refuse a request for food. For seventeenth-century Frenchmen in North America, this was clearly not the case: their range of baseline communism appears to have been quite restricted, and did not extend to food and shelter – something which scandalized Americans.

The weaknesses of the system, the inherent dangers of being a part of a domestic monopoly in an industry open to other countries, had not yet revealed themselves. So, while other areas of the American economy remained competitive, no one challenged the auto industry until the full-scale assault of the Japanese in the seventies. When it finally came, the extent of American vulnerability surprised even those who had been critical.

The crisis of liberalism (and of American political reflection) is due to liberalism's success in becoming the official language for all public statement.

The author writes that the central conflict within journalist and seller of the American way Henry Luce was between his curiosity and his certitude.

He [Dean Rusk] was a rare person in that era... "Well, of course, in the South, most of us as we were growing up just took for granted that if there was to be trouble, if the nation was at war, that we would be in it. The tradition of the Civil War was still with us very strongly... We assumed there was a military duty to perform... We took that as a perfectly natural part of being an American." p315

Those years would show, in the American system, how when a question of the use of force arose in government, the advocates of force were always better organized, seemed more numerous and seemed to have both logic and fear on their side, and that in fending them off in his own government, a President would need all the help he possibly could get, not the least of which should be a powerful Secretary of State.