Quotes About Institutions

When, who, and what things happen to becomes meaningful, then what happens starts to matter, and play can evoke strong emotions, fierce and ongoing urges to succeed, and a desire to leave a mark, drive meaningful change, or build lasting institutions.

Independence day is an interesting time to reflect on our strange fealty to institutions that the British left us, including those that were explicitly set up to be used against us.

This is where the block chain is most useful and revolutionary: It helps us to overcome the problem of mutual trust in exchange, which will, in turn, make many of our modern central institutions unnecessary.

Institutions are better served by going direct to end users, establishing a channel for direct dialogue and feedback. It is a world of many to one, not one to many.

I'm honored to have been chosen as a fellow of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. I am hugely appreciative for the support I have had throughout my life, and I look forward to using the grant to help institutions that have fed my soul and to support new work that inspires me.

Globalisation must have, as a critical component, international dispensation in the locality of U.N. institutions. It cannot be, and must not be, business as usual in the establishment and location of international institutions, especially of the United Nations.

If you want to avoid the usual fate in politics of failure, you need to understand some basic principles about why people make mistakes and how some people, institutions, and systems cope with mistakes and thereby perform much better than most.

To achieve a successful transition, we don't just have to remove Maduro. We also have to rescue our institutions themselves. That's why we have set out three phases: ending Maduro's usurpation of power, implementing a transition government, and holding free elections.

The individuals who intervened in my life, transformed it, didn't do so in a vacuum. One was a manager of a children's home, a whole string of them were teachers. What they had in common was that they worked in successful institutions.

In vain, without the Bible, we increase penal laws and draw entrenchments around our institutions.

The institutions that we've built up over the years to protect our individual privacy rights from the government don't apply to the private sector. The Fourth Amendment doesn't apply to corporations. The Freedom of Information Act doesn't apply to Silicon Valley. And you can't impeach Google if it breaks its 'Don't be evil' campaign pledge.

The problems that you see startups tackling are dramatically different in different cities. Silicon Valley is unlikely to produce the same set of companies as New York or Cleveland because the region has a different set of strengths and defining institutions.

Owners of valuable works of art don't give to institutions that don't provide good air conditioning and have good shows.

Ideology that believes government is bad, and that public institutions and places are not valuable, is as destructive as corporate greed.

In India, knowledge has always been considered more valuable than power, fame or riches. In our tradition, educational institutions are respected as temples of learning.

Giving back to the communities and institutions that helped us achieve success is a value we share and a privilege we embrace.

It is hard to speak the truth about valued national institutions. But when they are not fit for purpose, we must speak out.

A commitment to the Constitution is not something that's genetic. It's not inherited. It's not automatic. It has to be taught. And each generation must learn about the Constitution and the values of constitutional institutions within the context of their own time, within the environment of their own time.

In short, the problem is never the populist's imperfect capacity to represent the people's will; rather, it's always the institutions that somehow produce the wrong outcomes. So even if they look properly democratic, there must be something going on behind the scenes that allows corrupt elites to continue to betray the people. Conspiracy theories are thus not a curious addition to populist rhetoric; they are rooted in and emerge from the very logic of populism itself.

populists are not generally "against institutions," and they are not destined to self-destruct once in power. They only oppose those institutions that, in their view, fail to produce the morally (as opposed to empirically) correct political outcomes. And that happens only when they are in opposition. Populists in power are fine with institutions—which is to say, their institutions.

Glorious Revolution overthrew King James, made William king in his place, weakened the king's power, increased Parliament's power, and thereby promoted the development of institutions more favorable for economic growth.

It turned out that successful attempts were more likely than unsuccessful attempts to be followed by a change in national political institutions.

Paradoxical confidence is the confidence we place in someone on the basis of their failure or their absence of qualities. The prototype of of this confidence is the failure of prophecy [...] following which the group, instead of denying its leader and dispersing, closes ranks around him and creates religious, sectarian, and ecclesiastical institutions to preserve the faith. Institutions all the more solid for deriving their energy from the failure of the prophecy.

Our wisdom is slavish prejudice, our customs consist in control, constraint, compulsion. Civilised man is born and dies a slave. The infant is bound up in swaddling clothes, the corpse is nailed down in his coffin. All his life long man is imprisoned by our institutions.