Quotes About Trump

His sons, Don Jr. and Eric—behind their backs known to Trump insiders as Uday and Qusay, after the sons of Saddam Hussein—wondered if there couldn't somehow be two parallel White House structures, one dedicated to their father's big-picture views, personal appearances, and salesmanship and the other concerned with day-to-day management issues.

Frank Sinatra was wrong," said David Bossie, one of Trump's longtime political advisers. "If you can make it in New York, you can't necessarily make it in Washington.

Donald Trump produced on a daily basis an astonishing, can't-stop-following-it narrative.

Against this background (North Korea missile threats), almost no one paid attention to the announcement by the Trump supporter and American neo-Nazi Richard Spencer that he was organizing a protest at the University of Virginia, in Charlottesville, over the removal of a statue of Robert E. Lee. "Unite the Right," the theme of the rally called for Saturday, August 12, was explicitly designed to link Trump's politics with white nationalism.

The theory, suddenly presented as just this side of a likelihood, was that the Russians had suborned Donald Trump during a trip to Moscow with a crude blackmail scheme involving prostitutes and videotaped sexual acts pushing new boundaries of deviance (including "golden showers") with prostitutes and videotaped sex acts.

In mutually codependent fashion, Ivanka relied on Dina to suggest management tactics that would help her handle her father and the White House, while Dina relied on Ivanka to offer regular assurances that not everyone named Trump was completely crazy.

the world needs borders—or the world should return to a time when it had borders. When America was great. Trump had become the platform for that message.

While the Trump administration has made hostility to the press a virtual policy, it has also been more open to the media than any White House in recent memory.

There was, in the space of little more than an hour, in Steve Bannon's not unamused observation, a befuddled Trump morphing into a disbelieving Trump and then into a quite horrified Trump. But still to come was the final transformation: suddenly, Donald Trump became a man who believed that he deserved to be and was wholly capable of being the president of the United States.

Clark, forty-five, was a Wesleyan graduate (possibly the only graduate from the famously liberal school to work for Trump or even vote for him) and a close associate of Bill Stepien's. He had become a kind of self-appointed sheriff, trying to keep the grifters, kooks, and obvious self-dealers out of Trumptown—and away from the campaign's money.

He came out of his first long meeting with Trump thinking it had been a disconcertingly weird experience. Trump talked nonstop and constantly repeated himself.

Donald Trump steals people's dignity like the devil steals souls!

One thing to remember about this prediction: "President Trump" was the punchline to the setup, "What's the dumbest thing we could imagine America doing?" When the news of the world becomes jokes on The Simpsons, that's satire. But when jokes on The Simpsons become the news of the world—well, that's just fucked up.

As went Yamhill, so went much of white, working-class America. One of the strongest predictors of support for Trump in any county was the share of whites with just a high-school diploma or less.

Yet once he was in office, Trump cold-shouldered the working-class voters who had supported him. He gave lip service to jobs in coal and manufacturing but took no significant step to assist workers, and he made things worse by chipping away at the Affordable Care Act. It was one more scene in a long drama of politicians' betrayal of America's working class.

Trump did not create the forces that propelled his candidacy. But he recognized them, tapped into them, and unleashed a gusher of nationalism and populism that will not soon dissipate.

A decision had been made at high levels of the Trump administration that this matter would be resolved quickly and with a soft touch.

Trump tried to book Penn & Teller once in Vegas at one of his casinos, but we were priced out of his budget.

The nightmare of Trump is not that he doesn't care what people think; it's that he desperately cares what people think.

That was clear when certain directors and members of the F.B.I. and C.I.A. were presenting (later found to be found false) information to impeach Trump.

Mattis had a line to explain what was happening: Trump was so out of his depth that he had decided to drain the pool. Once it got shallow enough, he must have figured, he would not be underwater anymore.

To Trump, talking with Murdoch was more important than just about anything. No one played a more central role in Trump's media world than the Australian-born impresario of conservative journalism who owned Fox News, Fox Business, The Wall Street Journal, the New York Post, and other

It is midnight in Washington," Schiff began. "The lights are finally going out in the Capitol after a long day in the impeachment trial of Donald J. Trump." Over the course of the next twenty-five minutes, he said it was not enough to let voters decide because if the Senate were to let Trump off, he would be free to use his power to advantage himself with impunity in the election. "He has done it before, he will do it again," Schiff warned.

Trump was checked in his ability to do what he was tempted to do in the early weeks of the administration, which was to cut a deal and simply give them Ukraine," Fried recalled. "They were blocked by Congress." In July of 2017, Congress passed a version of the measure that McConnell had threatened, the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, broadened to include Iran and North Korea as well as Russia.