Quotes About Protest

In every capitalist economy there are anti-capitalist movements, activists, and even political parties; in a way, that there are no longer anti-democratic movements, activists, and parties.

'Easy Rider' was never a motorcycle movie to me. A lot of it was about politically what was going on in the country.

I'd been politically active ever since my parents wheeled me in a stroller in a 'ban the bomb' march in Boston in 1963.

My early years as a political activist were dominated by the poll tax.

Working Americans who believe in our country and who believe in our Constitution are saying, 'Enough is enough!'

There's a clamor among the Salvadoran people to combat corruption.

In order to cry out for my black brothers, I had to hate the police.

I have always been against coups, and I cursed them.

Hong Kong was promised democracy under the framework known as 'one country, two systems,' and China is ignoring this promise. The international community should be more attuned to this. It matters.

Civil disobedience's main goal typically is to try to arouse and inspire others to join and do something. Well, sometimes that is a good tactic, sometimes not.

I don't even really see sit-ins and marches as passive. I see them as quite assertive. I see those as emotionally aggressive tactics. I see people putting their lives on the line and being bold and brave.

Boycotts are not something to be taken lightly.

The protest years were over, not just for me but for a whole generation, and in music, just like in politics, many of the greatest talents were dead or in exile, and their place was filled by third-rate imitators.

Some of us have been thinking and talking too long without doing anything. Poems are perfect; picketing, sometimes, is better.

But black people fall for that same argument, and they go around talking about law breakers. We did not make the laws in this country. We are neither morally nor legally confined to those laws. Those laws that keep them up, keep us down.

The Nazi Party had established itself with startling suddenness in September 1930 as a catch-all party of social protest, appealing to a greater or lesser degree to virtually every social group in the land.

The antiwar movement is a wild orgasm of anarchists sweeping across the country like a prairie fire.

The student who invades an administration building, roughs up a dean, rifles the files and issues 'non-negotiable demands' may have some of his demands met by a permissive university administration. But the greater his 'victory' the more he will have undermined the security of his own rights.

public protest of the direction his party is taking. Convention

Righteous indignation is the alibi of mobs and murderers.

Some of those demonstrations were over the Vietnam War. Some were over racial or gender inequality.

Rosewood Courts, Austin's Eastside project for African Americans, was built on land obtained by condemning Emancipation Park, the site of an annual festival to commemorate the abolition of slavery. The park had been privately owned by a neighborhood association the Travis County Emancipation Organization, and residents protested the condemnation of this community institution in which they took great pride. But their objects had no effect, despite the availability of other vacant land.

In Los Angeles, the Reverend W. Clarence Wright, pastor of the fashionable Wilshire Presbyterian Church, led efforts to keep the Wilshire District all white. He personally sued to evict an African American war veteran who had moved into the restricted area in 1947.

First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt protested to the president. The FWA again reversed course and assigned African Americans to the Sojourner Truth project. Whites in the neighborhood rioted, leading to one hundred arrests (all but three were African Americans) and thirty-eight hospitalizations (all but five were African Americans).