Quotes About Protest

It is time that outraged public sentiment cry out in detestation of the outrages committed in the name of religion.

I can't sit back and swallow stuff. I live in a time and place, and in a country on earth where you're not supposed to swallow it. People just gave up.

Revolt by all means, but only on one issue at a time. To do more would be to confuse the whips.

We must transfer our anger to the brutalities of our time.

Any time in America when the military has to stand in opposition of their own citizenry, something is wrong.

We have been lied to and terrorized by our own government, and it is time to take action.

It is the nature of a man as he grows older, a small bridge intime, toprotest againstchange, particularlychangefor the better.

When I arrived in France aged 20, I marched against the death penalty, which was an unpopular thing to protest against at the time.

I was really lucky that I came to puberty at a time when music and politics were completely intertwined.

In the relations of a weak Government and a rebellious people there comes a time when every act of the authorities exasperates the masses, and every refusal to act excites their contempt.

It's incredible to see labor unions and environmentalists getting together to stop the corporate mentality that destroys both jobs and the environment.

Foreknowledge of the consequences of an act that is then performed generally argues the will to do it; if this occurs repeatedly, and the doer continues to protest that he did not will the consequences, this suggests an extreme and dangerous disassociation of the personality.

ON DECEMBER 31, 2010, Zhanna went to a protest with her father. For a year and a half now, activists had been gathering at Triumfalnaya Square in central Moscow on the thirty-first day of every month that had thirty-one days. They gathered to demand observance of Article 31 of the Russian Constitution

activists who engaged in unsanctioned demonstrations (by this time, most opposition demonstrations were unsanctioned) should expect "to be hit over the head with a stick.

Yet merely to board a passing bandwagon of protest publicity, the leaders of the organic movement locked themselves out of a new technology that has delivered huge reductions in the use of synthetic pesticides.

When I pounded ninety-five theses at the Wittenberg doors in 2005 shortly after Ratzinger was made pope, I did so knowing that this man and his minions were a dangerous team to turn the church over to.

at their disposal. So they assemble in protests to convey their objections. What's wrong with that? A similar outpouring came recently from American Walter Williams, one of my favorite columnists and a conservative economist known

only gesture of protest open to me. What else could I offer you? The things people sacrifice are so little. I'll give you my marriage to Peter Keating. I'll refuse to permit myself happiness in their world. I'll take suffering. That will be my answer to them, and my gift to you. I shall probably never see you again. I shall try not to. But I will live for you, through every minute and every shameful act I take, I will live for you in my own way, in the only way I can.

Now project what would happen if the technique of the Berkeley rebellion were repeated on a national scale.

The argument in response often went like this: Such brutality was certainly not desirable, but the West had left the militants no choice, there was no other way left to resist; nonviolent protest would not sway the dictator Assad, whose military was torturing and killing scores in detention centers, nor would it sway the United States, which had invaded and occupied Iraq, killed countless civilians, and sustained and protected Arab tyrants.

Criminals should not be tried. The trial of a criminal is against human rights. Human rights demand that we should have killed them in the first place when it became known that they were criminals," proclaimed Ayatollah Khomeini, responding to protests by international human rights organizations of the wave of executions that followed the revolution.

When in the States we had shouted Death to this or that, those deaths seemed to be more symbolic, more abstract, as if we were encouraged by the impossibility of our slogans to insist upon them even more. But in Tehran in 1979, these slogans were turning into reality with macabre precision.

They had not become part of the crowd who watched the executions, but they did not have the power to protest them, either. The only way to leave the circle, to stop dancing with the jailer, is to find a way to preserve one's individuality, that unique quality which evades description but differentiates one human being from the other.

demonstrators were attacked by the government-backed vigilantes.