Quotes About Constitution

Juro delante de Dios, juro delante de la Patria, juro delante de mi pueblo que sobre esta moribunda Constitución haré cumplir, impulsaré las transformaciones democráticas necesarias para que la República nueva tenga una Carta Magna adecuada a los nuevos tiempos. Lo juro.

We have freedom of the press; I think it's guaranteed in the Constitution or something."   The

The last few centuries were times when men tried to place constitutional and other limits on the State, only to find that such limits, as with all other attempts, have failed. Of all the numerous forms that governments have taken over the centuries, of all the concepts and institutions that have been tried, none has succeeded in keeping the State in check.

Busing, affirmative action, and abortion are but the three most glaring areas in which the justices have made law from the bench, with no constitutional license to do so.

The end result may be trains that run on time (although I doubt it), but the cost is to our Constitution and the individual liberty it protects.

The practice of creating independent regulatory commissions, who perform administrative work in addition to judicial work," Roosevelt himself admitted, "threatens to develop a 'fourth branch' of Government for which there is no sanction in the Constitution."33

James Madison, always at the vortex of the fierce disputes over what measures these enumerated powers implied as necessary and proper, concluded—after serving for a quarter century as a congressman, secretary of state, and president—that the bedrock constitutional principle was simply to ensure that America does not "convert a limited into an unlimited Govt.

It's hard to count the ways in which the administrative or regulatory state overturns, abolishes, and usurps the Constitution.

The Constitution lodges all legislative power in Congress, which therefore cannot delegate its lawmaking function elsewhere. So it's forbidden for Congress to pass a law creating an independent or executive-branch agency that writes rules legally binding on citizens—for example, to set up an agency charged with making a clean environment and then to let it make rules with the force of law to accomplish that end as it sees fit.

And if Congress can't delegate the legislative power that the Constitution gives it, it certainly cannot delegate power that the Constitution doesn't give it, such as the power to hand out selective exemptions from its laws, as agencies do when they grant waivers.35

Though citizens are safe from the government in their homes, the homes themselves are not." By essentially abolishing the public use clause, the Court has subordinated individual rights to the arbitrary will of the government, Thomas remonstrated. "I do not believe that this Court can eliminate liberties expressly enumerated in the Constitution.

We all learn about how the Constitution's framers accomplished that delicate balance through the three branches of government and the separation of their powers: democratically elected representatives frame laws to do the voters' will, which the elected president executes, unless the Supreme Court deems them unconstitutional.

As Wilson outlined the concept, the Court would sit as a permanent constitutional convention, continually making and remaking the law, to adapt, in a kind of Darwinian evolution, to changing circumstances. It would make up law, in Chief Justice Earl Warren's words, according to "the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society."4

Something has gone seriously awry with this Court's interpretation of the Constitution.

The Constitution of the United States is not a mere lawyers' document it is a vehicle of life, and its spirit is always the spirit of the age.

If we can return to a government that the Founders, in their wisdom, envisioned for us, we can return to a government that will allow our economy to thrive again, and our people to live in liberty.

I hope we have not sunk so low in American society that plain, simple, justice according to the Constitution must be regarded as a perk. Police

Strength would help me crush a tomato. Dexterity would help me dodge a thrown tomato. Constitution would help me recover from eating a bad tomato. Intelligence helps me know that a tomato is a fruit, and not a vegetable. Wisdom helps me know not to put a tomato into a fruit salad. And Charisma helps sell a tomato-based fruit salad to someone else, probably someone I intensely dislike.

Law and order is a state subject. Please look up the three lists in the Indian constitution. The state list, central list and the concurrent list.

To include the term AHIMSA in the preamble of the Indian Constitution.

It is in no small part to Henry's resistance that the Constitution owes the Second Amendment in particular—the one that promises "the right to keep and bear arms" in order to have "a wellregulated militia"—and it too was, in part, about slavery, because in the South, the militia was understood to be identical with the slave patrols that were constantly on guard.

That constitutionally stipulated deadline of January 1, 1808, is, from our perspective, one of the most important dates in American history, signaling as it does the transformation of the United States slavery industry. For this reason, 1808 is also an essential date for understanding the making of African American culture. Kidnapped Africans had been arriving for almost two hundred years, repeatedly re-Africanizing American culture. No longer. The child was separated from the ancestors.

The current total of countries in the world with First Amendments is one. You have guaranteed freedom of speech. Other countries don't have that.

Was there something distinctive about American civil society that gave democracy a better chance than in France, as Tocqueville argued? Was the already centralized French state more likely to produce a Napoleon than the decentralized United States? We cannot be sure. But it is not unreasonable to ask how long the US constitution would have lasted if the United States had suffered the same military and economic strains that swept away the French constitution of 1791