Quotes About Constitution

Classifications and distinctions based on race or color have no moral or legal validity in our society. They are contrary to our constitution and laws.

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.

The layman's constitutional view is that what he likes is constitutional and that which he doesn't like is unconstitutional.

I do not believe in genetic causes; I am miles away from there. I believe rather that all people who embrace our [european] values, our laws and our constitution are full members of our society.

Masturbating to violence against women is an "essential, basic and natural drive" that is protected by the U.S. constitution. Sex is collapsed with sexual abuse; misogyny with free speech.

Our safety, our liberty, depends upon preserving the Constitution of the United States as our fathers made it inviolate. The people of the United States are the rightful masters of both Congress and the courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution.

Don't interfere with anything in the Constitution. That must be maintained, for it is the only safeguard of our liberties.

We the people are the rightful masters of both Congress and the courts, not to overthrow the Constitution but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution.

I will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. It is not the Constitution as I would like to have it, but as it is, that is to be defended. The Constitution will not be preserved & defended until it is enforced & obeyed in every part of every one of the United States. It must be so respected, obeyed, enforced and defended, and let the grass grow where it may.

Let [the Constitution] be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in colleges, let it be written in primers, in spelling books and in almanacs, let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short, let it become the political religion of the nation.

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. (From the Prayer of Twenty Millions by Horace Greeley 1862)

I will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. It is not the Constitution as I would like to have it, but as it is, that is to be defended... It must be so respected, obeyed, enforced and defended, and let the grass grow where it may.

The difference between the genius of the British constitution which protects and governs North America, and that of the mercantile company which oppresses and domineers in the East Indies, cannot perhaps be better illustrated than by the different state of those countries.

Every such regulation introduces some degree of real disorder into the constitution of the state, which it will be difficult afterwards to cure without occasioning another disorder.

In the near term, such compromises made possible a continental union of North and South that provided bountiful benefits to freeborn Americans. But in the long run, the Founders' failure to put slavery on a path of ultimate extinction would lead to massive military conflict on American soil—the very sort of conflict whose avoidance was, as we shall now see, literally the primary purpose of the Constitution of 1788.

The written Constitution cannot work as intended without something outside of it—America's unwritten Constitution—to fill in its gaps and to stabilize it. In

Improved reporting practices have enabled the Court to get its message out, and quickly. Nowadays, in any given case a majority of justices ordinarily sign on to a single "Opinion of the Court," an opinion widely viewed as the last word on the Constitution's meaning. Meanwhile, a partisan and crumbly Congress has often found it hard to speak with one voice, and presidents have come to be seen as party politicians rather than impartial magistrates.

Indeed, these lenses and compasses are perhaps the most important components of America's unwritten Constitution, and they form the organizational spine of this book. Fair

Howsoever we classify enactment arguments—whether we view them as historical, or textual, or structural—we need to see that the written Constitution and the unwritten Constitution cohere to form a single system. While

Americans rewarded George Washington with the presidency. Indeed, the Electoral College unanimously backed Washington in 1789; every single elector who participated cast a vote for America's George. By installing Washington by acclamation, Americans in effect consented yet again—truly, deeply—to the Constitution that was now inextricably intertwined with Washington himself.

The key that unlocks the door is the simple idea that no clause of the Constitution exists in textual isolation. We must read the document as a whole. Doing so will enable us to detect larger structures of meaning—rules

Uniquely in the history of the world, Americans in the late eighteenth century constituted themselves as a people and as a nation in a series of epic and self-conscious acts of democratic self-invention. In 1776, thirteen British North American colonies renounced their common parent and created what would later become the world's mightiest power.

Abraham Lincoln, said in 1838, when he and the United States were both very young, "Reason—cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason—must furnish all materials for our future support and defence. Let those materials be moulded into general intelligence, sound morality, and in particular, a reverence for the Constitution and laws.

Foolish liberals who are trying to read the Second Amendment out of the Constitution by claiming it's not an individual right or that it's too much of a public safety hazard, don't see the danger in the big picture. They're courting disaster by encouraging others to use the same means to eliminate portions of the Constitution they don't like.