Quotes About Power

No such criticism of the racial laws would ever escape the pope's lips or pen, not in 1939, nor over the following years in which they were in force.

the Church acts immediately.

Ritual may be vital to reaction, but it is also the life blood of revolution.

No one rules if no one obeys

If you want to know the outcome of a game before the game has even started, you need to control each side.

This world is being directed by a level of evil that is almost impossible to comprehend.

Si je veux que vous me donniez le pouvoir et que vous me supportiez lors d'une élection, est-ce que je dois vous dire ce que vous voulez entendre ou vous dire ce que vous ne voulez pas entendre ?

Hiding what really happened in the past is essential for the manipulators if they are to hide what is happening now.

Vous prêtez de l'argent aux deux antagonistes afin de financer la guerre, et vous leur prêtez encore plus pour la reconstruction de leurs pays dévastés. Ils deviennent endettésface à vous (contrôle) et vous augmentez votre richesse (pouvoir).

The myth of choice is there to fool us into believing we are free.

Fear is a perception – False Emotion Appearing Real – and fear is the currency of control.

Real power around the world does not reside with governments any longer, but with private interests. Real power is secret power.

And you realized, once inside the Secret Service cordon, that the president of the United States was just a politician, surrounded by courtiers and glad-handers and people seeking favors. He was as prone to making stupid decisions as any other politician, maybe more so. The real secret about the White House was that it was so ordinary—mediocrity on steroids.

Serdukov looked at the coast, assaulted by waves, rocks becoming sand.

It was about how empires try to save themselves in their declining years." "How timely," said Stone. "And how did the Ottomans try to save themselves, if I may ask?" "By keeping their subjects at each other's throats. The Ottomans were masters at sowing dissension. It was one of the few things they were good at, actually.

This was the beginning of Hitler's new-style diplomacy. His victories in Central Europe were won without the sword – they were won by power politics and opportunism, by bluff, by coercion, by psychological operations and by nerve-war. On each occasion he carefully gauged his potential enemies. He satisfied himself that the western powers would not fight, provided he made each claim sound reasonable enough. The west was weak and unready, and he was not.

First Germany must 'create a powerful land force,' so that foreigners took her seriously. Then, he wrote in 1928, there must be an alliance with Britain and her empire, so that 'together we may dictate the rest of world history.

There is to be no possibility whatever that anybody at all can even think that there is some institution or other in Germany that has a different opinion from the one expressed by the Führer.' Schacht

On April 23, therefore, he signed a secret decree confirming Göring as his deputy in Berlin, while Hess continued to manage the Party in his absence. On May 2, 1938, Hitler wrote out a private testament and handed it in a sealed envelope to Dr Lammers, head of the Reich Chancellery – a rare documentary glimpse of Hitler as a human being, putting his affairs in order, arranging his own funeral and disposing of his personal effects to his family and private staff. The

It was the Lutheran and Reformed churches in Germany that gave Hitler his biggest headaches. His early years of power were marked by futile attempts to reconcile the thirty warring Protestant factions and bring them under one overriding authority, some loosely constituted council of churches that would unquestioningly accept the primacy of the state and the Nazi policies it enforced.

After showing them the blast furnaces, rolling mills and armour-plate works, Hitler and Ribbentrop took Mussolini alone into a hall where Krupp engineers took the tarpaulins off Hitler's proudest possession – a gun barrel so huge that it had to be transported on two parallel railroad tracks. Mussolini stroked it and congratulated the Führer, clearly astonished at the weapon's size.

As Robespierre once said of Marat, 'The man was dangerous: he believed in what he said.' Hitler

Hitler dourly remarked to Wiedemann – as the adjutant recorded a few months later – 'I'm not here to ensure peace in Europe; I'm here to make Germany great again. If that can be done peacefully, well and good. If not, we'll have to do it differently.' He

Hitler saw the random bickering of the newspapers of the democratic countries as an inexcusable frittering-away of a vital national resource. He considered that the press could become a powerful instrument of national policy.