Quotes About History

More recently, the efforts against police violence that rippled through U.S. communities in 2014 as in the #blacklivesmatter movements are one manifestation of popular resistance against a U.S. state terror's long history.

Further, there are structures of domination, again with histories and social patterns that limit many while entitling others in unfair ways (white supremacism, gender and sexual injustice, class exploitation, nationalisms, et al.). As

Universal histories teach us more about the historical crises that inspire them than they do about the civilizations they describe.

For a brief review of our history to date shows us in a very singular role:that of serial killers.

The history of the anti-nuclear movement is therefore not lit by sunshine, but shrouded in coal smoke.

Modern Humans have at least dealt out death fairly: We began our existence by killing each other.

History attempts to provide society with an artificial collective memory.

To imagine that Hitler was merely following in, say, Bismarck's footsteps was profoundly to misunderstand the man and his view of the world. Bismarck thought in terms of great-power politics, Hitler of racial triumph.

When we eat wheat from Canada," remarked Hitler one evening during the war, "we don't think about the despoiled Indians.

Like many of those who document history, he also curated the images of the past he left behind.

The odds seemed pretty long from where I was standing, certainly, but then again, I reminded myself, the history of science was in many ways an almanac of highly unlikely victories.

In 1938, after eight years of experimentation, Nestlé launched Nescafé

Yet historical roots influence contemporary behavior and decisions for a city just as childhood experiences remain crucial to adult attitudes for an individual.

America has never been a pure democracy and majoritarianism has always been as much feared as monarchism.

It turns out that justices are also God's children; and being of this world, their makeup consists of actual flesh and blood. They are no more noble or virtuous than the rest of us, and in some cases less so, as they suffer from the usual human imperfections and frailties. And the Court's history proves it.

President Ronald Reagan cautioned that "[f]reedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We didn't pass it to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for, protected, and handed on for them to do the same, or one day we will spend our sunset years telling our children and our children's children what it was once like in the United States where men were free."3

Locke, Montesquieu, many of the philosophers of the European Enlightenment, and the Founders, among others, knew that the history of organized government is mostly a history of a relative few and perfidious men co-opting, coercing, and eventually repressing the many through the centralization and consolidation of authority.

From 1836 to 1868, only one candidate was elected to the presidency more than once—Abraham Lincoln.

During the 25 elections between 1850 and 1898 . . . turnover averaged 50.2 percent. On average, more than half the House during any given session in the second half of the nineteenth century was made up of first term members.

valuing human experience, tradition, and custom.

The "wall of separation between church and State" is a metaphor based on bad history, a metaphor which has proved useless as a guide to judging. It should be frankly and explicitly abandoned.38

In addition to the problem of teacher competency there is the malignancy of statist-driven political conformity, ideological indoctrination, social engineering, and academic experimentation that have suffused public schools with such agendas as multiculturalism, global warming, and the distortion of American history, among other things.22

The danger of rejecting America's founding principles is illustrated best in this instance by Wilson himself. As is well documented, Wilson was an open racist who, among other things, as president resegregated the federal bureaucracy.32

Again, for Wilson and the progressives, the American founding was simply a historical event distinct to its own moment and condition. Progress requires that America not get stuck in its own history.