Quotes About Hitler

What's interesting is that when you get into the post-war period, many of the narratives in books and movies conclude that if you killed Hitler, you're actually going to make history worse.

As you can see, even when [Adolf] Hitler desires to speak for peace, he cannot dispense with threats. This is symptomatic.

The people of England will curse themselves for having preferred ruin from Churchill to peace from Hitler.

A guy named Adolf Hitler won an election in 1932 ... and 50 million people died as a result ... what I learned as a little kid is that politics is, in fact, very important.

The only real politics I knew was that if a guy liked Hitler, I'd beat the stuffing out of him and that would be it.

The fact that Hitler was a political genius unmasks the nature of politics in general as no other fact can.

Hitler built a fortress around Europe, but he forgot to put a roof on it.

Hayek was never a popular author to the extent that everyone was reading him at the corner newsstand. But the Austrian refugee showed how the roots of Hitler's tyranny and the bases of Marxist collectivism were one and the same. His work had a profound influence on a generation of freedom loving young conservatives. Even

The street gangs," in the words of Alan Bullock, "had seized control of the resources of a great modern State, the gutter had come to power." But—as Hitler never ceased to boast—"legally," by an overwhelming vote of Parliament. The Germans had no one to blame but themselves.

The cardinal error of the Germans who opposed Nazism was their failure to unite against it. At the crest of their popular strength, in July 1932, the National Socialists had attained but 37 per cent of the vote. But the 63 per cent of the German people who expressed their opposition to Hitler were much too divided and shortsighted to combine against a common danger which they must have known would overwhelm them unless they united, however temporarily, to stamp it out. The

Had the eighty-four-year-old wandering miller not made his unexpected reappearance to recognize the paternity of his thirty-nine-year-old-son nearly thirty years after the death of the mother, Adolf Hitler would have been born Adolf Schicklgruber. There may not be much or anything in the name, but I have heard Germans speculate whether Hitler could have become the master of Germany had he been known to the world as Schicklgruber.

To some Germans and, no doubt, to most foreigners it appeared that a charlatan had come to power in Berlin. To the majority of Germans Hitler had — or would shortly assume — the aura of a truly charismatic leader. They were to follow him blindly, as if he possessed a divine judgment, for the next twelve tempestuous years.

Hitler's scholastic failure rankled in him in later life, when he heaped ridicule on the academic "gentry," their degrees and diplomas and their pedagogical airs. Even

He, who was so monumentally intolerant by his very nature, was strangely tolerant of one human condition—a man's morals. No other party in Germany came near to attracting so many shady characters. As we have seen, a conglomeration of pimps, murderers, homosexuals, alcoholics and blackmailers flocked to the party as if to a natural haven. Hitler did not care, as long as they were useful to him.

The political ineptitude of the magnates of industry and finance was no less than that of the generals and led to the mistaken belief that if they coughed up large enough sums for Hitler he would be beholden to them and, if he ever came to power, do their bidding. That the Austrian upstart, as many of them had regarded him in the Twenties, might well take over the control of Germany began to dawn on the business leaders after the sensational Nazi gains in the September elections of 1930.

While the first ships were arriving in Dunkirk, Churchill and the war cabinet were meeting for the third time that day, and his own struggle with his Foreign Secretary was now joined: they disagreed about whether Hitler's terms, offered through the Italians, would be outrageous or not. Churchill said they would be worthless. He didn't feel strong enough to oppose him outright, and tried to delay a decision until they knew what was happening in Dunkirk.

The Nuremberg Laws were a typical Hitlerian attempt to get out of a mess by taking a radical step, in effect a gamble, without thinking through the consequences.

The memorandum gives a startling insight into Hitler's thinking. He was above all a warrior. His years in the trenches were the formative experience in his life and his constant point of reference. His chief enemy was international Jewry.

Hitler envisaged something very different. He was even thinking beyond the demands for segregation that emanated from racial anti-Semites, who saw the threat of Jews expressed in terms of blood and miscegenation. Hitler believed that Germany was at war with the Jews.

Hitler understands that National Socialism needs to appear socialistic, even as he seeks to destroy everything in Germany that actually fits the description.

The sharp-tongued Monsignor Tardini dubbed Hitler the "Motorized Attila.

Pope Pius XII was certainly not "Hitler's pope," as John Cornwell's intentionally provocative book title would have it.

This was the beginning of Hitler's new-style diplomacy. His victories in Central Europe were won without the sword – they were won by power politics and opportunism, by bluff, by coercion, by psychological operations and by nerve-war. On each occasion he carefully gauged his potential enemies. He satisfied himself that the western powers would not fight, provided he made each claim sound reasonable enough. The west was weak and unready, and he was not.

As Hitler quipped to his staff, Beck was only ever able to make up his mind when his decision was against doing something!)