Quotes About Populism

In the Marxist-populist debates of the nineties Lenin trained his polemical fire upon his populist contemporaries; he did not attack the early Russian populism of Chernyshevsky and his generation.

It has been observed that one common characteristic of "classical populism" in all its forms was the feeling that the "Russian state of bureaucratic absolutism has been the primordial enemy of the popular masses and their intrinsic communal-socialist tendencies."[

A diferencia del estalinismo y otras dictaduras que se apropiaron, sin más, del poder, el nazismo se sustentó en una base popular.

Tako i po tome, u našoj Bolnici vladaju zakoni koji važe i van nje: vladaoci bez vrlina najomiljeniji su vladaoci. Svetina voli one koji vole ono što ona voli, koji ?ine sve što bi oni, dripci, ?inili kad bi bili na vlasti. Rulja mrzi pravdoljupce i istinoljupce, ljude koji poštuju zakone i rade pošteno.

Siate maledetti tutti voi che cercate l'onore attraverso la demagogia. Possiate restarmi ignoti, voi che non esitate a danneggiare i vostri amici pur di dire qualcosa che risulti gradita alla folla.

All previous populist movements were demanding things from governments, whereas the Tea Party is saying, 'Give us less, go away.' That's heartening to see.

Gimmicks belong almost anyplace except a Republican presidential primary.

I admire Ai Weiwei for his art and his activism. His art is beautiful in form, and in function embodies the principles of populism and social consciousness I aspire to in my own practice.

You never discount a demagogue.

Donald Trump did not cause America's democratic crisis of faith, he rode to power on it. Once in control, he and other populists discovered their room for manoeuvre was expanded by the same disillusionment that helped them into office.

I draw a very clear distinction between populism and democracy.

At the core of what I'm doing is a belief in the audience, a belief that populism doesn't mean dumbing down theater, but rather giving the audience a voice and a role in experiencing theater.

What's wrong with politics in the celebrity billionaire analysis is politicians. Populism is not so much a cry for economic equality, or even a disdain for elites, but a mass revulsion against the inauthenticity of politicians. Celebrities are real celebrities, politicians are fake ones.

Latin Americans are all too familiar with the boom and bust cycles associated with economic populism.

As morally troubling and politically charged as the issue of inequality has become, it's not likely to cause a populist revolt. Most Americans still have a generally positive view of the wealthy and, rightly or wrongly, believe they too can make it to Richistan someday.

In the disconnect between grievance and remedy, there is an astonishing muddle. Angry people vote for a seeming populist, and they get an autocrat whose policies and appointees make the economy even more tilted to the very rich. Trump's populism turns out to be a blend of spite, entertainment, jingoism—and alliance with corporations when it comes to actual policy. Yet in the absence of government policies to lean against the predations of the market, Trumpism fills the vacuum.

He recoiled at the cowardice and selfishness he saw rampant in the New York legislature. "The inquiry constantly is what will please, not what will benefit the people," he told Morris. "In such a government there can be nothing but temporary expedient, fickleness, and folly." Increasingly Hamilton despaired of pure democracy, of politicians simply catering to the popular will, and favored educated leaders who would enlighten the people and exercise their own judgment.

Alexander Hamilton triumphed as a doer and thinker, not as a leader of the average voter. He was simply too unashamedly brainy to appeal to the masses.

To this day, the vast majority of black Christians are Baptists, and this is not a coincidence. White Baptists proved most aggressive in gospel missions to slaves. Their spiritual dynamism, populism, and extemporary preaching attracted large numbers of Africans in the early United States.

POPULISTS' GRIEVANCES WERE many, and bitter. Their best-founded objection was their concern about the federal government's support of the interests of businesses over those of labor.

Populism is not a style, it's a people's rebellion against the iron grip that big corporations have on our country - including our economy, government, media, and environment.

Nineteenth-century grass-roots populism made twentieth-century progressivism possible.

Nowadays, politically, everybody is promising everything. That's the only way you can get elected.

The populists themselves are dangerous, but they are far more dangerous when the traditional, classic parties adopt their harmful proposals.