Quotes About Public

There is another way for moneyed interests to get what they want out of government: convince the 99 percent that they have shared interests. This strategy requires an impressive sleight of hand; in many respects the interests of the 1 percent and the 99 percent differ markedly. The fact that the 1 percent has so successfully shaped public perception testifies to the malleability of beliefs. When others engage in it, we call it "brainwashing" and "propaganda."1

ever observed that a choice by the people themselves is not generally distinguished for its wisdom" and that the

At the public level, Morris's chief task was to restore the credit of the United States government. (Actually, restore is not right, since nothing had existed beforehand to be restored.)

Collection or an appropriate subtype is generally the best return type for a public, sequence- returning method.

The coolly calibrated manipulation of the credulous American public, by an administration bent upon stoking paranoid patriotism!

It's what we do behind the scenes that affects the power and anointing we carry out in public.

What happens in private always has an effect upon what happens in public. 3.

He sugerido que los muros de la academia deben de ser porosos, y que en la misma medida en que las instituciones académicas se vuelcan hacia adentro para refinar sus disciplinas y ámbitos de estudio, deben también volverse hacia el mundo público, y asumir que se sitúan ya siempre en el seno de ese mundo.

Royalty is a government in which the attention of the nation is concentrated on one person doing interesting actions.

Public opinion... requires us to think other men's thoughts, to speak other men's words, to follow other men's habits.

The position has been a work in progress in a lot of ways. Originally, there were certain minimum requirements. It was six public appearances a year, then write a poem for the state of Missouri. But they backed off of [the poem requirement]. They were concerned about writer's block, and they didn't want to encourage doggerel.

The greater the decrease in the social significance of an art form, the sharper the distinction between criticism and enjoyment by the public. The conventional is uncritically enjoyed, and the truly new is criticized with aversion.

Thus I suggest that prophetic ministry has to do not primarily with addressing specific public crises but with addressing, in season and out of season, the dominant crisis that is enduring and resilient, of having our alternative vocation co-opted and domesticated.

Our public life is largely premised on an exploitation of our common anxiety. The advertising of consumerism and the drives of the acquisitive society, like he serpent, seduce into believing there are securities apart from the reality of God.

We have nearly lost our capacity to think ihcologicafly about public issues and public problems.

Prophecy in this context may be understood as a redescription of the public processes of history through which the purposes of Yahweh are given in human utterance.

the church is, in my judgment, called to its public vocation to practice neighborliness in a way that includes both support of policies of distributive justice and practices of face-to-face restorative generosity.

Political image is like mixing cement. When it's wet, you can move it around and shape it, but at some point it hardens and there's almost nothing you can do to reshape it.

I'm in favor of any technology that makes my work available to the reading public at a reasonable price.

Franklin D. Roosevelt is no crusader. He is no tribune of the people. He is no enemy of entrenched privilege. He is a pleasant man who, without any important qualifications for the office, would very much like to be President.

In government offices which are sensitive to the vehemence and passion of mass sentiment public men have no sure tenure. They are in effect perpetual office seekers, always on trial for their political lives, always required to court their restless constituents.

We are concerned in public affairs, but immersed in our private ones.

Without some form of censorship, propaganda in the strict sense of the word is impossible. In order to conduct a propaganda there must be some barrier between the public and the event. Access to the real environment must be limited, before anyone can create a pseudo-environment that he thinks wise or desirable.

That the manufacture of consent is capable of great refinements no one, I think, denies. The process by which public opinions arise is certainly no less intricate than it has appeared in these pages, and the opportunities for manipulation open to anyone who understands the process are plain enough. The creation of consent is not a new art. It is a very old one which was supposed to have died out with the appearance of democracy. But it has not died out.