Quotes About Nationalism

The American tradition of Washington and Hamilton and Madison and Lincoln and TR and Pat Buchanan is of economic nationalism - making America an independent, self-sufficient, sovereign forever country that's able to stand on its own feet.

Nationalism, coupled with great faith in the power of the government to enact domestic bargains between labor and capital, has been seen before: it was called fascism then.

Indeed, as we will see in the book, healthy communities are essential for sustaining vibrant market democracies. This is perhaps why authoritarian movements like fascism and communism try to replace community consciousness with nationalist or proletarian consciousness.

When the proximate community is dysfunctional, alienated individuals need some other way to channel their need to belong.4 Populist nationalism offers one such appealing vision of a larger purposeful imagined community—whether it is white majoritarianism in Europe and the United States, the Islamic Turkish nationalism of Turkey's Justice and Development Party, or the Hindu nationalism of India's Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

Muhammad Ali Jauhar, who for three remarkable years (1919-1922) championed Hindi-Muslim partnership, dismissed the 'divide-and-rule' explanation for India's problems. 'They don't divide,' Jauhar pointed out. 'We divide and they rule.

am I inferior simply because I am not English born? Am I to be a slave because I am an Indian?

In the new situation created by Hitler's war, Linlithgow was more successful at dividing Indians than Gandhi was in uniting them.

Lahore Conspiracy Case, as it was called, contains no Muslim name and only one Sikh name, that of Bhagat Singh.

Lawrence's 'spirit', his biographer argues, 'was imperial, not provincial'.

Sikhs and Punjabi Muslims mainly, but also Dogras and Gurkhas, had enlisted on the Empire's behalf.)

the speed with which the British left after announcing Independence and Partition may have been, in his words, 'the most contemptible single act in the annals of the Empire' (p 77).

the Empire had enabled Sayyid Ahmed's ideological successors to walk off with the prize of a separate Muslim electorate in India as a whole.

Churchill's keenness on dividing India, his instruction to Viceroy Wavell in 1945 that he should not leave India before splitting it into 'into Pakistan, Hindustan, Princestan etc.'

No Indian can look back at that 1962 defeat with anything except embarrassment

Thus Punjabi became the 'Sikh' language, Urdu the 'Muslim' language, and Hindi the 'Hindu' language. Language was uprooted from ground-level and tied to religion rather than to the varied people who spoke it, or the tract where it was spoken.

When a whole nation is roaring Patriotism at the top of its voice, I am fain to explore the cleanness of its hands and purity of its heart.

The Hindi novelist Phanishwaranath Renu returned the Padma Shri bestowed upon him by the government of India, the act recalling Tagore's disavowal of his knighthood after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre.

The plural, inclusive, idea of India has three enemies. The best known is the notion of a Hindu Rashtra, as represented in an erratic fashion by the Bharatiya Janata Party and in a more resolute (or more bigoted) manner by the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal and other associated organisations.

the most powerful enemy of the idea of India now is the Indian state.

These 'sinister communal elements' would if they came to power 'bring ruin and death to the country'.

Is it any great wonder', asked the writer, 'that an Indian Muslim no longer feels secure in secular India? He feels discriminated against. He feels a second-class citizen.

The blood of many a brave Tamilian, Andhra, Malayalee and Coorgi', it said, 'has soaked into the fertile soil of Kashmir and mixed with the blood of the Kashmiri patriots, cementing for ever the unity of the North and the South.

Ramachandra Guha

Kuomintang leader Chiang Kaishek