Quotes About Congress

Congress can protect small businesses by providing effective oversight over SBA policies and make sure they take into account the needs of small businesses while also protecting taxpayer dollars. Congress also needs to make sure that new banking regulations do not make it more costly for community banks to lend to small businesses.

Congress has the constitutional authority to investigate the other agencies of government. We are the watchdogs of the taxpayer's money, and we have the right to know how that money is being spent and to conduct oversight over the government.

Congress must simply do more to eliminate waste and be good stewards of taxpayer dollars.

It's wrong that members of Congress can purchase luxury airfare with taxpayer money when many families in my district and across the county are struggling to make ends meet.

We must seize the moment and permanently delay the entire law. Congress can do this. We control the purse strings and can protect taxpayers from funding Obamacare.

Congress has a responsibility to review research paid for by hard-working American taxpayers.

If taxpayers want better results from Congress, they must stop paying their elected officials for failure. After all, you get what you pay for.

I'm disappointed in Burger King's decision to renounce their American citizenship. I call on companies currently mulling this tax dodge to reconsider and on Congress to protect U.S. taxpayers from more of these schemes.

When I go about my own politics, I meet Tea Party supporters who I can work with in Congress, that I find common ground with. I find Tea Party supporters who won't let me get a sentence out without judging me. To say that there is a 'Tea Party supporter' is a gross generality.

There are lot of issues we passed out of the House that have gotten not only a lot of Republican support - Tea Party and every group within the Republican conference - but even Democrats.

2010 was sort of this shock and shift in congress, with the real emergence of the Tea Party.

Do we want our state to be defined by the bankrupt and intolerant values of Donald Trump? Do we want the values of hyperpartisanship and obstruction that we see in the tea party Congress that Steve Pearce has embraced?

The Tea Party movement went off on a more extreme agenda that I did not support at all, and was very frustrated by it, to the point that not only did I change parties, I decided to do something about it and run for Congress.

In the depth of the near depression, that he faced when he came in, Barack Obama and Democratic leaders in Congress provided 'recovery funds' that literally kept our classrooms open. Two years ago, these funds saved nearly 20,000 teacher and education jobs - just here in North Carolina.

And so whether it's failing to move forward on the Dream Act, failing to move forward on putting teachers back to work, failing to do all the things we could do right now to help the economy and middle class, this Congress is just saying no.

I always step back and look at - you know, look at my background in playing team sports my whole life and taking that approach into Congress. It's not about me going, and you know, feeding my ego going to Congress.

Congress must take responsibility for a new positive direction - an innovative agenda that will lead to a more secure America. Secure communities, secure economies, and a secure quality of life.

We shouldn't be debating whether to deal with the current code by allowing it to be extended or not. We should have a president who shows leadership and comes to Congress and says: 'You know what? We need to reform this whole tax code.'

Congress has a deep, vested interest in its own inefficiency.

The notion that Congress can change the meaning given a constitutional provision by the Court is subversive of the function of judicial review and it is not the less so because the Court promises to allow it only when the Constitution is moved to the left.

The first version of the articles, published in mid-1906, was followed by an expanded second version that appeared in late 1906 and early 1907 but remained incomplete owing to Djugashvili's departure for the London congress in April and his subsequent move from Tiflis to Baku.

Organizational questions," Lenin's views on them in particular, were a fateful bone of contention when fifty-seven delegates from Russia and abroad met in Brussels in July 1903 for the Russian Social Democratic Workers' party's Second Congress—a meeting with more claim than the earlier one in Minsk to be considered the constituent congress.

Political power in the one-party system was vested in collective bodies such as the party congress, which met annually in the early years, and its elected interim surrogate, the Central Committee.

It is hard to believe that Lenin would not have won the case had his health permitted him to argue it before the court of the party congress. But when the