Quotes About China

On the face of it, China has won the Olympics. But it is not China that has won, but the Communist party. The Chinese people have lost.

Countries like Iran and China support an Internet Iron Curtain that would censor political dissidents and deny anonymous activity online through mandatory registrations of IP addresses.

As I talk with the Chinese on currency, I encourage them to move much more quickly with opening up their capital markets to competition, because I don't believe the world is going to give them as much time as they would like.

There are not many companies in China that dare to say in public, 'We don't offer bribes', or companies that operate only by market rules.

Similar to many multinational technology companies, Zoom has operations and employees in China. And like many multinational technology companies, our offices in China are operated by subsidiaries of the U.S. parent company. Our engineers are employed through these subsidiaries. We don't hide this.

When the mushrooms took hold she sensed some of the gods calling to her from inside her own chest and followed their urging outside into the yard and up the sunny slope into the trees. She felt all gooey, gooey with the slobbered love of various gods gathered within, and smiling full-time went about the woods looking to collect butterflies and pet them until they gave milk, or maybe roll in the dirt until she felt China through her skin.

Or perhaps the best that can be hoped for—as a play on the "MAD" (mutually assured destruction) of the U.S.-Soviet nuclear standoff in the Cold War years—may be "MAA," "mutually assured ambiguity." But seeking to address issues in a multilateral framework, with a critical role for ASEAN, would help modulate the conviction that the South China Sea is fundamentally a standoff between China and the United States.

both Japan and South Korea are increasingly interconnected with China. Japan's exports to China are about the same as those to the United States—about 20 percent in each case of total exports. Korea is more dependent—27 percent of its exports go to China, as opposed to 12 percent to the United States.

General Motors sells more cars in China than in the United States. Before the Trump trade war, up to 60 percent of U.S. soybean exports went to China, and Apple sold $40 billion a year of iPhones. China was also expected to become the biggest market for U.S. LNG.

When Donald Trump became president, he changed the setting on the table. No longer, in the view of his administration, is China an economic partner, albeit a challenging one. Now it is an economic adversary as well as a strategic rival.

Between 2006 and 2013, Chinese gas consumption had tripled. Yet despite the decade of negotiations, the "big deal" on gas was mainly stuck on one question—price. Moscow wanted prices commensurate with what it charged Europeans and indexed to oil (which was still high), while Beijing wanted lower prices in line with domestic energy prices and competitive with coal.

announcement of the big deal—valued at $400 billion over thirty years. The contract would make China the second-largest market for Russian gas, after Germany. The Chinese would also provide the financing for a massive new $45 billion, thirteen-hundred-mile "Power of Siberia" gas pipeline. "This will be the biggest construction project in the world for the next four years, without exaggeration," Putin said after the signing.

Xi Jinping's first stop on his first foreign trip as president in 2013 was Moscow. China became Russia's largest trading partner. The respective roles were very clear. China provided manufactures, consumer goods, and finance; Russia, oil, gas, coal, and other commodities—and geopolitical alignment.

the $25 billion, 2,800-mile ESPO (Eastern Siberia–Pacific Ocean) oil pipeline. In 2005, just 5 percent of Russia's oil exports went to China. It rose to almost 30 percent, and Russia eclipsed Saudi Arabia as China's number one supplier.

Beijing's "Made in China" 2025 strategy, enunciated in 2017, aims to make China a leader in ten high-tech industries.

Over two years, the Chinese Development Bank extended $47 billion in credit to keep money-losing Chinese companies afloat.

Today there is a growing struggle over sovereignty in the South China Sea—over who controls the Spratlys, as well as another island group closer to China and Vietnam called the Paracels, and other tiny "land features" that barely jut out from the waves—and indeed the sea itself.

The Republic of China, founded in 1912, was supposed to modernize the country and regain sovereignty. But by the beginning of the 1930s, China had degenerated into a fragmented country. Chiang Kai-shek, leader of the Nationalists and heir to the Republic of China, was fighting both warlords and Communists. In 1931, the Japanese seized control of Manchuria, where a substantial part of China's industry was located, and breached the Great Wall.

A singular cartographic combatant led the charge—Bai Meichu, one of China's most influential and respected geographers.

When the SARS epidemic had begun in 2002, China accounted for only 4 percent of the world economy, and the impact on the global oil market was negligible. But now China accounted for 16 percent, and the impact was global; for China not only had become the world's second largest oil consumer, but it also had accounted for half the total growth in world oil demand.

Does all this mean that China and the United States are headed for what Harvard professor Graham Allison called the "Thucydides Trap"? Named for the ancient Athenian military historian, the concept depicts the risk of war arising from the collision between a "dominant" power and a "rising" power.

China today is the world's largest producer of steel (almost 50 percent), aluminum, and computers—as well as the rare earths necessary for electric vehicles and wind turbines. In one three-year period, 2011–13, China consumed more cement than the United States did in the entire twentieth century.

In the decade and a half following its entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001, China's oil consumption increased two and a half times over. It is currently the eighth-largest oil producer in the world, at 3.8 million barrels per day. But its demand has surged far ahead of domestic supply. It has become the world's largest importer of oil: by the beginning of 2020, 75 percent of total demand.

In 2000, 1.9 million cars were sold in China, 17.3 million in the United States. By 2019, the number was 25 million in China and 17 million in the United States.