Quotes About Latin America

Free trade, far from protectionism, is the path that we should take to make Latin America a thriving actor in the global economy.

The progressive movement against the war of occupation in Iraq is a reason for hope, as is resistance to free trade agreements in Latin America. Those are moments that we have to celebrate: that people still find the resolve and energy to resist.

As for the dream of a global Britain trading more energetically from Asia to Latin America, the E.U. has tied our hands, hobbling those ambitions.

If you liked El Salvador, you're going to love Colombia. It's the same death squads, the same military aid, and the same whitewash from Washington.

American dominance of Nicaraguan politics finally led Sandino to an explicit rejection of American imperialism and his historic struggle became a working model for guerrilla action by worldwide revolutionary movements for the next fifty years. It also marked the first time American intervention experienced defeat in Latin America.

Europe would be well advised to pay more attention to Latin America. The emerging economies are the engines of the global economy. Colombia has done too little to improve its reputation in Europe.

Democratic Latin America limps sideways because it can't run ahead. There are too many entry barriers to the poor, the innovative, and those without access to credit.

Brazil has a lot of issues that are similar to a lot of countries in Latin America, but the dominant issue Brazil is dealing with is poverty and political corruption.

Las crónicas de Indias, como lo sabe todo el que conoce el discurso de García Márquez al recibir el Premio Nobel, pueden muy bien ser el verdadero orden de la literatura latinoamericana.

Palabras más, palabras menos, lo que Barral viene a dar como razón o justificación de la preeminencia de la novela latinoamericana es el cruce casual y afortunado de dos elementos: un mundo que narrar y una lengua con que narrarlo.

Nunca ha dejado de extrañarme, por eso, que el vínculo más cercano del boom latinoamericano, dentro de la tradición de nuestra lengua, se remonte a esas narraciones que surgieron del Descubrimiento, y en muchos casos —pensemos en la lealtad que Vargas Llosa y García Márquez siempre le han jurado a la novela de caballerías, uno a Tirant le Blanc, y el otro a Amadís de Gaula— a momentos anteriores.

En un extremo están esas narraciones alucinadas sobre sirenas que no eran sirenas, sino manatíes, y grifos que no eran grifos, sino cóndores; en el otro está el esperpento valleinclanesco. En un extremo está el pariente remoto de la <>, esa osadía típicamente latinoamericana; en el otro, el antepasado inmediato de aquel fatigado cliché del dictador, que nuestra realidad política sigue dando por válido.

Las literaturas nacionales como bien señaló Borges ( que tan bien señalaba tantas cosas), son un invento de los nacionalismos europeos del siglo XIX, pero hay que decir que sus imitadores latinoamericanos tuvieron mucho éxito: durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, éste fue el mayor esfuerzo de la novela escrita del otro lado del océano.

Bogotá, como todas las capitales latinoamericanas, es una ciudad móvil y cambiante, un elemento inestable de siete u ocho millones de habitantes: aquí uno cierra los ojos demasiado tiempo y puede muy bien que al abrirlos se encuentre rodeado de otro mundo

The central argument of this book is that U.S. economic and political domination over Latin America has always been—and continues to be—the underlying reason for the massive Latino presence here. Quite simply, our vast Latino population is the unintended harvest of the U.S. empire.

The main weakness of competitiveness policy as currently practiced in Latin America is deficient implementation and lack of evaluation of programs, rooted in lack of coordination among state agencies.

We also saw that some countries, particularly Argentina and Brazil, had been able to accommodate foreign companies without ceding control over their national interests. We postulated, then, that poor countries in a position of "dependency" on the rich ones could take certain steps toward progress in spite of the existing system. All of this sounds quite elementary and obvious now, but in Latin America in 1968, these thoughts were borderline heresy.

The primary message of Dependency and Development was that the people of Latin America had control over their own fate. Under certain circumstances, we could indeed operate within the existing system. Many alternatives were possible within that system, and the fatalism that dominated the region at that time was entirely pointless, we wrote. There would, of course, be certain restrictions, and we did not advocate blind free-market capitalism.

They talk about the failure of socialism but where is the success of capitalism in Africa, Asia and Latin America?

U.S. imperialism's avowed policy of sending soldiers to fight the revolutionary movement in any Latin American country, to kill workers, students, peasants, to kill Latin American men and women, has no other purpose than to maintain its monopolistic interests and the privileges of the treacherous oligarchies which support the monopolies.

The fascists in most Latin American countries tell the people that the reason their wages will not buy as much in the way of goods is because of Yankee imperialism. The fascists in Latin America learn to speak and act like natives.

The human murder by poverty in Latin America is secret. Every year, without making a sound, three Hiroshima bombs explode over communities that have become accustomed to suffering with clenched teeth.

The government of the United States doesn't want peace. It wants to exploit its system of exploitation, of pillage, of hegemony through war. It wants peace, but what's happening in Iraq? What happened in Lebanon? Palestine? What's happening? What's happened over the last hundred years in Latin America and in the world?

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people.