Quotes About War

If America didn't join the League, it would be "a death warrant" for its children, who would die in the next war.34

When Stalin, Roosevelt, and Churchill first met at Tehran in 1943, and Stalin raised his glass in a toast "to American production, without which this war would have been lost," it was a stunning tribute from the leader of world Communism to the forces of American capitalism.

armed forces. Compared to the Soviet Union or Great Britain, more women remained at home rather than going to work—more than 60 percent. And the United States converted the least of all its economic output to the war effort, just over 47 percent in 1944 compared to almost 60 percent for Britain and more for Germany and the Soviet Union, only to outproduce everyone else put together, including Japan.5

If business profits rose during the war, labor's wages rose much more—an average of 70 percent.

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision. In war, there can be no substitute for victory.

The official declaration of war came on October 19, 1739, with the ringing of bells and the Prince of Wales toasting the London populace outside the Rose Tavern near Temple Bar. "This is your war," Walpole told his rival the Duke of Newcastle, "and I wish you joy of it.

The strain of making war would be nothing compared with the strain of making peace.

When the emperor Diocletian retired in 305, however, Constantine son of Constantius Chlorus rushed his legions down from Britain to join in the struggle for power. He also displayed a ruthless cunning in working to secure his title. He married the daughter of Diocletian's co-emperor, Maximian, then in 310 had his father-in-law arrested and strangled. The next year he allied himself with one rival, Licinius, in order to declare war on the other, Maximian's son, Maxientius.

American workers in war-related industries in 1942–43 died or were injured in numbers twenty times greater than the American servicemen killed or wounded during those same years.

Everyone hates war, the senator stated at the start, and therefore it was time to lay aside the argument that if men differed over how to prevent one, then the other side must necessarily be against peace.

The only thing that could save the revolution, Lenin wrote in 1913, would be a war between Austria and Russia. "But it's scarcely likely that Franz Josef and Nikolasha [Lenin's nickname for the czar he despised] would grant us this pleasure."41

Americans couldn't go to war: with 1.3 million German immigrants living in the United States, Zimmermann was fond of pointing out, plus another 10 million Americans of German descent, any military move against Germany would trigger a national uprising

Petrograd (St. Petersburg's new name since the outbreak of war, when the government decided that "St. Petersburg" sounded Teutonic)

former minister of the interior, Pyotr Durnovo. Dated February 1914, five months before Archduke Francis Ferdinand's assassination, it presciently warned of what might happen if Russia found itself dragged into a general war and lost. In that case, Durnovo wrote, "a social revolution in its most extreme form will be unavoidable for Russia.

In Wilson's view, America's neutrality was a reflection of strength, moral strength, rather than weakness or timidity. His other slogan in 1916, besides "He Kept Us Out of War," was "Too Proud to Fight.

Under no stretch of imagination can war be regarded as an ethical process yet war, force, terror, and propaganda were the evolutionary means employed to weld the German people into a tribal whole.

In a tribal organization, even in time of peace, service to tribe or state predominates over all self seeking in war, service for the tribe or state becomes supreme, and personal liberty is suspended.

The most persistent sound which reverberates through men's history is the beating of war drums.

The constitutional Presidency—as events so apparently disparate as the Indochina War and the Watergate affair showed—has become the imperial Presidency.

It was during the Retreat of the Eighty Thousand, and the authority of the Censorship is sufficient excuse for not being more explicit.

I knew all the time that it was all nonsense, but I couldn't understand in the least what it meant, or who was pulling the wires of rumour, or their purpose in so pulling. I began to wonder whether the pressure and anxiety and suspense of a terrible war had unhinged the public mind, so that it was ready to believe any fable, to debate the reasons for happenings which had never happened.

the grim looks on their faces that they, too, didn't like leaving a battle unfought. I can feel your sadness, Brax sent the thought to me. It is understandable. But that is the unforgiving logic of war. Hard choices have to be made. I know, I sent back. The logic doesn't make the choice any easier. Pray choices like that never become easy.

Život ztratil význam. Kdyby aspo? svitla nad?je na válku nebo povstání, jenže sv?tová situace se v posledních letech uklid?ovala. Což samo o sob? je dobré, ale pro profesionálního vojáka to zna?í nezam?stnanost.

En un mundo donde el horror se vende como arte, donde el arte nace ya con la pretensión de ser fotografiado, donde convivir con las imágenes del sufrimiento no tiene relación con la conciencia ni con la compasión, las fotos de guerra no sirven para nada.