Quotes About Postwar

After World War II, communities and the trust they fostered began to erode in the United States. We moved away from dense city centers to fenced in suburban lots separated by broad highways.

I believe in public ownership, but I have never favoured the remote nationalised model of the postwar era.

These four men—Bormann, Mengele, Barbie, Eichmann—are among the thousands of SS war criminals slipping quietly into the shadows. The Nazi postwar machine will help these war criminals gain passports, cross borders, and build new lives in sympathetic nations. To counter that, a small band of men who will soon call themselves "Nazi hunters" are organizing teams of assassins and kidnappers. The killing of the SS is about to begin.

I had a happy childhood, with many stimulations and support from my parents who, in postwar times, when it was difficult to buy things, made children's books and toys for us. We had much freedom and were encouraged by our parents to do interesting things.

If one seeks to analyze experiences and reactions to the first postwar years, I hope one may say without being accused of bias that it is easier for the victor than for the vanquished to advocate peace.

The estimated loss of up to six million dead is founded too much on both emotional, biased testimonies and on exaggerated data in the postwar reckonings of war crimes and on the squaring of accounts with the defeated.

For contemporary readers who look back on the fifties as simply being cool, it may be difficult to see how daring Plath really was. In the clutches of postwar conformity and rampant conservatism

On one occasion, sitting at the same Fuller Lodge dinner table with Niels Bohr, he heard Bohr's concerns for an "open world." Prompted by his conclusion that a postwar U.S. nuclear monopoly could lead to another war, in October 1944 Hall decided to act: ". . . it seemed to me that an American monopoly was dangerous and should be prevented. I was not the only scientist to take that view.

As the sociologist Daniel Bell later observed, Oppenheimer's ordeal signified that the postwar "messianic role of the scientists" was now at an end.

Therefore, the legacy of pan-Arabism as a phase in postwar Arab politics lies not in its failure over half a century to achieve Arab unity but in the way it captured the high ground of all politics: the language and fundamental categories it is conducted in.

The more war destroys, the more it impoverishes, the greater is the postwar need. Indubitably. But need is not demand. Effective economic demand requires not merely need but corresponding purchasing power.

piety went public in postwar politics: "under God" was written into the Pledge of Allegiance in 1954, and "In God We Trust" became the nation's official motto in 1956.

There was no American policy on Afghan politics at the time, only the de facto promotion of Pakistani goals as carried out by Pakistani intelligence. The CIA forecasted repeatedly during this period that postwar Afghanistan was going to be an awful mess; nobody could prevent that. Let the Pakistanis sort out the regional politics. This was their neighborhood.

Capitalism's] newly pugnacious posture, like most forms of aggression, sprang from deep anxiety. If the system became manic, it was because it was latently depressed. What drove this reorganisation above all was the sudden fade-out of the postwar boom.

Rationing still had an iron grip on postwar Britain. The global conflict had drained every last penny out of the dwindling empire.

Looking back, it's easy to see the clothes as a metaphor for everything else that happened to women in postwar America.

The poet Archibald MacLeish, then an Assistant Secretary of State, spoke critically of what he saw in the postwar world: As things are now going, the peace we will make, the peace we seem to be making, will be a peace of oil, a peace of gold, a peace of shipping, a peace, in brief . . . without moral purpose or human interest. . . .

From the early 1960s to the mid-1980s - the era of military dictatorship when South Korea was rebuilding itself from a postwar economic basket case to a humming, modern nation - military schools were the track of choice for ambitious young men.

The electronics industry expanded rapidly and the seeds for the semiconductor and software revolution were planted. The postwar period also saw the suburbanization of America, the rise of the homeowner, the build-out of the interstate highway system, and the rise of automobile culture. Credit availability expanded dramatically.

Will Postwar be nothing but "events," newly created one moment to the next? No links? Is it the end of history?

Will Postwar be nothing but events, newly created one moment to the next? No links? Is it the end of history?

Perhaps it's theater, but they SEEM no longer to be Allies...though the history they have invented for themselves conditions us to expect postwar rivalries, when in fact it may all be a giant cartel including winners and losers both, in an amiable agreement to share what is there to be shared...

This insistence on unity was the source of one of the most potent myths of the postwar period – the idea that the responsibility for all the evils of the war rested exclusively with the Germans. If it was only 'they' who had perpetrated atrocities upon 'us', then the rest of Europe was released from all accountability for the injustices it had perpetrated upon itself.

The Great Restructuring, unlike the postwar period, is a particularly good time to have access to capital.