Quotes About Police

No fue el control de armas o un fuerte crecimiento económico o las nuevas estrategias policiales lo que finalmente atemperó la ola de crimen en Estados Unidos. Fue, entre otros factores, el hecho de que la fuente de criminales potenciales se había visto reducida de forma drástica.

Por cada punto que aumenta el porcentaje de coches de una ciudad que tienen instalado el LoJack, la tasa general de robos disminuye un 20 por ciento.

When a genocide is carried out, only a fraction of the population, usually a police force, military unit, or militia, actually commits the murders.127 In the 1st century CE, Tacitus wrote, "A shocking crime was committed on the unscrupulous initiative of a few individuals, with the blessing of more, and amid the passive acquiescence of all.

These upheavals were driven by the impression that African Americans are at serious risk of being killed by the police. Yet as with terrorism and school shootings, the numbers are surprising. A total of 65 unarmed Americans of all races are killed by the police in an average year, of which 23 are African American, which is around three tenths of one percent of the 7,500 African American homicide victims.

The researchers argued that an orderly environment fosters a sense of responsibility not so much by deterrence (since Groningen police rarely penalize litterers) as by the signaling of a social norm: This is the kind of place where people obey the rules.

I love cops. I think you have to walk in their shoes to understand, you know when they use violence, Michael Brown in Ferguson, a classic case.

This one time I made love on the back seat of a car and the police came and shined his light on me, and I said I'm strokin'. That's what I'm doing, I be strokin'.

I love singing along to the radio while I'm riding in the back of a squad car.

The cop looks annoyed, like we're giving him a headache. I want to explain everything to him, show him that it's really not as screwed up as it all sounds, but then I remember that it is.

The police and the vulnerable are natural allies. That they are so is counterintuitive and strange, for they also loathe one another.

About a year ago, an entire suburb in this man's jurisdiction turned from the police and erected a substitute agency. To all intents and purposes, several thousand people here have severed their relationship with the South African Police Service. He appears not to have noticed.

E, apesar de que lá fora era o terror, qualquer daqueles lares era um lar que se abriria para Pedro Bala, fugitivo da polícia. Porque a revolução é uma pátria e uma família.

La gente espera que la policía sea incorrupta, pero ¿por qué ha de serlo, si todos somos humanos?

My thesis is that through most of American history, the Court has usually refused to impose constitutional checks on police or to provide adequate remedies for police misconduct. Instead, it has created a series of legal rules that fail to protect citizens' constitutional rights and that facilitate and even encourage racist policing.

But the importance of the Supreme Court's silence should not be underestimated. By declining to enforce the Constitutions's limits on police conduct, the Court was empowering the police and letting officers know that they could violate the Constitution with impunity. And by failing to limit racist policing, the Courts allowed it to continue unchecked.

The Supreme Court has created a significant incentive for police to engage in unconstitutional stops without reasonable suspicion. And everything we know about policing in the United States leaves no doubt that people of color are most likely to be subjected to such stops.

In California v. Hodari D. in 1991, the Court held that a person who is being chased by the police is not considered to be seized until he or she is actually tackled by the officer; chasing the individual does not constitute a seizure within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment.63 But fifteen states have rejected this idea and said that under their state constitutions, chasing a suspect is sufficient to constitute a seizure and thus requires at least reasonable suspicion.64

Congress should eliminate absolute immunity for prosecutorial misconduct and for police officers who commit perjury.

Congress also should change the federal civil rights statute, 42 U.S. Code Section 1983, to hold cities liable for the misconduct of their police officers.

The Court held that police may obtain cellular location information—information that can be used to determine where a person was at a particular time—only if they have a warrant based on probable cause or if emergency circumstances justify allowing the search without a warrant.

Tracking the location of a cell phone for 127 days "provides an all-encompassing record of the holder's whereabouts, . . . which reveals the familial, political, professional, religious, and sexual associations."15 Roberts stressed once more that location tracking lets police learn the privacies of a person's life.

California v. Greenwood in 1988, the Court held that when police searched a person's garbage that was left on the street for pickup, there was not a search, and no warrant was required.

A city can be sued only when a police officer or city employee inflicts injury pursuant to an official municipal policy.

a reasonable search for weapons for the protection of the police officer, where he has reason to believe that he is dealing with an armed and dangerous individual, regardless of whether he has probable cause to arrest the individual for a crime."28