Quotes About Justice

5) No hay pruebas para apoyar el argumento de que estas víctimas, casi todas niños pequeños, fueran parte de un combate o hubieran sido atrapadas en un enfrentamiento de fuego cruzado. Por el contrario, las pruebas apoyan fuertemente la conclusión de que fueron víctimas intencionales de una ejecución masiva extrajudicial.

Hey, Officer, whatever happened to truth, justice, and the American way?" Murdock rolled his eyes. "Capitalism is the American way. Cost-benefit analysis is the American way

In my experience, what defines a crime depends on who's getting screwed.

Money could not make the rape go away. The physical pain was gone, but the mental pain would never leave Hannah Steele.

Travis County District Attorney Dick Dorkin

Mark Gimenez

The American criminal justice system had long been predicated on a simple belief: 'It's better to let a hundred guilty people go free than to convict one innocent person.' But not anymore. Now the prevailing philosophy was, 'It's better to convict a hundred innocent people than to let one guilty person go free.' Crime had changed America. Americans.

An ambitious judge is a dangerous animal.

You don't have to go along when others act unfairly or unreasonably. If you do go along, make it clear that you are doing them a favor—and that you expect something in return.

The fact that, in the United States, there are people serving ten-year prison terms for growing marijuana plants in their backyards while Wall Street racketeers, who have defrauded millions of people and destroyed the global economy, walk free is a kind of bizarre hypocrisy that boggles my mind.

Justice can sleep for years and awaken when it is least expected. A miracle is nothing more than dormant justice from another time arriving to compensate those it has cruelly abandoned. Whoever knows this is willing to suffer, for he knows that nothing is in vain.

All rivers run full to the sea; those who are apart are brought together; the lost ones are redeemed; the dead come back to life; the perfectly blue days that have begun and ended in golden dimness continue, immobile and accessible; and, when all is perceived in such a way as to obviate time, justice becomes apparent not as something that will be, but something that is.

For what can be imagined more beautiful than the sight of a perfectly just city rejoicing in justice alone.

The government has incredible powers at its disposal, and when it abuses those powers, someone has to stand up.

With grace and hope, the church is to inherently and commonly seek and love the forgotten, the unseen, the undesirable, the uncool. We need to do so with unexpected, tangible love, displaying counterintuitive compassion (including enemy-love) and demonstrating a capacity for magnanimous forgiveness, mercy and justice.

Mark's story of Jesus' last days . . . is an intensely political drama, filled with conspiratorial backroom deals and covert action, judicial manipulation and prisoner exchange, torture and summary execution . . . And we do well not to forget that this very narrative of arrest, trial and torture is still lived out by countless political prisoners around the world today. Ched Myers, Binding the Strong Man

The power to execute invests a near absolute power in the state. As Robert Meeropol has suggested, the granting of such absolute power most surely tends to corrupt, and especially to corrupt democracy. Meeropol's own parents, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, were executed in 1953 when he was six years old.

More than $7 billion a year was spent in prison construction during the 1990s. By 2012 the annual cost of maintaining prisons at all levels rose to over $60 billion.

To grasp the significance of these numbers, we should note that for most disadvantaged groups today "the criminal justice system increasingly is the main provider of health care, substance abuse treatment, mental health services, job training, education, and other critical social and economic supports. . . ."[31]

Today, the links between young black, brown, or poor people and mass incarceration are all the more startling and fearsome. We now have the documented reality of the "school-to-prison pipeline" that often gives up on excellence of education and a professional future for America's racialized poor, and then "tracks" them into jobs and communities where vulnerability enhances the likelihood of warehousing in prison.

In the mid-1990s, New York City was spending $58,000 annually per adult inmate and $70,000 for each juvenile at Rikers.[6] In 2013, the annual cost per inmate was $167,000.[7] Over the last two decades this amounts to eight to ten times what the city spends on each child in its public schools.

One key problem with private prisons is that private prison profiteers are harder to hold accountable for human rights violations and inhumane conditions.

The U.S. still confines a higher proportion of its citizens than any other country, and no other nation, in law professor Michelle Alexander's words, "incarcerates such an astonishing percentage of its racial or ethnic minorities.

Private prisons have a special interest in tapping the burgeoning immigrant groups to fill beds and cells, especially in the post-9/11 period of the so-called "war on terror." The