Quotes About Injustice

Why was America so kind and yet so cruel?

There is something wrong in our country when a man can take away something that belongs to you and your family.

Humanity knows no bounds to its inhumanity when it puts systems in place that justify its injustices. Legally

The trigger for white rage, inevitably, is black advancement. It is not the mere presence of black people that is the problem; rather, it is blackness with ambition, with drive, with purpose, with aspirations, and with demands for full and equal citizenship.

What the paper failed to recognize was that black people's willingness to work had never been the problem. Having to work for free, under backbreaking conditions and the threat of the lash, was the real issue.

The eighteenth-century origins of the "right to bear arms" explicitly excluded Black people.19 South Carolina encoded into law that the enslaved could not "carry or make use of fire-arms or any offensive weapons whatsoever" unless "in the presence of some white person.

Jim Crow dominated the lives of black people in America from 1890 well into the twentieth century. From conception to coffin, there was no nook or cranny of a black person's life that it did not touch.

Even for Detroit's liberal mayor, peace was based on black people quietly and gracefully accepting the fact that they had no right to their rights.

White rage doesn't have to wear sheets, burn crosses, or take to the streets. Working the halls of power, it can achieve its ends far more effectively, far more destructively. In my Washington Post op-ed, therefore, I set out to make white rage visible, to blow graphite onto that hidden fingerprint and trace its historic movements over the past 150 years.

The Brennan Center for Justice estimates that as "many as 12 percent of eligible voters nationwide may not have government-issued photo ID," and that "percentage is likely even higher for students, seniors and people of color.

White rage doesn't have to wear sheets, burn crosses, or take to the streets. Working the halls of power, it can achieve its ends far more effectively, far more destructively.

In what can only be described as a travelogue of death, as he went from county to county, state to state, he conveyed the sickening unbearable stench of decomposing black bodies hanging from limbs, rotting in ditches, and clogging the roadways.46 White Southerners, it was obvious, had unleashed a reign of terror and anti-black violence that had reached "staggering proportions." Many urged the president to strengthen the federal presence in the South.47 Johnson refused,

Equally vicious was the practice of "whitecapping," which, since the horrors of Bosnia and Srebrenica, we now recognize as ethnic cleansing: In several Georgia and Mississippi counties, where plantations did not dominate the economy, local whites maimed, murdered, and terrorized African Americans and, as the persecuted fled, seized all the land until one could "ride for miles and not see a black face.

Plantation owners were thus notorious for "barbarities such as scalding, burning, castrating, and extracting the tongues or eyes of slaves." 23 That combination of the insatiable desire for enormous profits coupled with the sadistic brutalization of bonded African labor created an overwhelming fear among whites of the enslaved's capacity and desire for retribution. And they needed to be fearful.

Beginning in 1917 and going into the 1920s, so-called race riots, which were essentially lynchings on a grander scale, erupted in East St. Louis, Chicago, Washington, D.C., and numerous other cities.75 Though labeled "riots," these outbursts were more like rampages, where whites went hunting for African Americans to pummel, burn, and torture.

Sweet had also been in Washington, D.C., during the Red Summer 1919, when police allowed whites to rampage for days slaughtering black people. The tide turned only after returning African American veterans had seen enough, polished their rifles, and began shooting.93

The wholesale slaughter of African Americans in Colfax, Louisiana (1873), Wilmington, North Carolina (1898), and Ocoee, Florida (1920), resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives simply because whites were enraged that black people had voted.

In 1680, as racialized chattel slavery congealed, the legislature crafted a law denying the enslaved and free Blacks the right to self-defense if attacked by their " 'master' and/ or Whites." 18 Next, in 1723, the colony's statute explicitly stated that "no negro, mulatto, or indian [sic] whatsoever" should have a gun "under penalty of a whipping not to exceed twenty-nine lashes.

That would be the "elephant in the room."30 In fact, as H. R. Haldeman, one of the Republican candidate's most trusted aides, later recalled, "He [Nixon] emphasized that you have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks. The key is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to.

Millions of enslaved people and their ancestors had built the enormous wealth of the United States; indeed, in 1860, 80 percent of the nation's gross national product was tied to slavery.19 Yet, in return for nearly 250 years of toil, African Americans had received nothing but rape, whippings, murder, the dismemberment of families, and forced subjugation, illiteracy, and abject poverty. The quest to break the chains was clear.

While claiming that the government had never provided access to land for "hard toiling whites," Johnson simply erased the nineteen years that he had worked for the passage of the Homestead Act to ensure that his constituency was given 160 acres wrested or browbeaten from Native Americans

As in most oppressive societies, those in power knew that an educated population would only upset the political and economic order.

A broken, treacherous rights landscape, of course, has always been the reality for African Americans.

The whole culture of the white South was erected on the presumption of black inability.