Quotes About Violence

his years of war: an utter helplessness in the face of this monstrous violence.

As for the shop there is a breed of Homo sapiens that will walk inside, take a deep breath, and say, 'Mmm, I just love the smell of old books.' They are to be got rid of as quickly as possible, with whatever violence it takes. I have heard the line a thousand times and never, never have I sold a book to any one of those people.

Running was not always the coward's route; it was a matter of survival. The fewer violent encounters one invited, the longer the life.

The host of Protestant differences only rarely erupted into full-scale doctrinal battle, though Protestant violence against Anabaptists was a sad reality throughout the sixteenth century, and intra-Protestant disagreement leading to violence was known in several places throughout Europe.

Clausewitz says the following in his book On War: 'Kind hearted people might, of course, think there was some ingenious way to disarm or defeat an enemy without too much bloodshed, and might imagine this to be a true goal of the art of war. Pleasant as it sounds, it is a fallacy that must be exposed. War is such a dangerous business that the mistakes which come from kindness are the very worst.

The act of killing is not a good thing. God did not put us on this earth to kill each other," he said slowly as he searched for the words. "But sometimes it has to be done.

whirlwind of war.

John Updike once said that he was confused by the very concept of "antiwar," which he felt, and I'm paraphrasing him here, was like being "anti-food" or "anti-sex," since war was such an essential element of human experience.

I once met a man who was paranoid about dying, so i shot him

A Guardian investigation concluded that between 10,000 and 20,000 people died as an 'indirect' result of the US bombing, that is, through hunger, cold and disease as people were forced to flee the massive aerial assault. An estimate by Professor Marc Herold of the University of New Hampshire, suggests that between 3,125 and 3,620 Afghan civilians were killed by US bombing up to July 2002.3

When the terrorists come, and they will come, given the human cost Bush policies have exacted in the Middle East, it will be because we have identified exclusively with the Israelis and written off a great swarm of human suffering.

To do that, follow these steps: 1. Say, "Tell me what happened." Venting allows the person to begin moving from blindly striking out (the most primitive response) to feeling emotional (a higher response). The person's screaming or yelling will upset you, but it's far less dangerous than the threat of physical violence—so let it happen.

Nearly all the violence that we hear about in the media is triggered by rage, and more specifically, by impotent rage. Impotent rage results when a person feels rejected and humiliated by people and feels powerless to do anything about it. Having few effective internal coping skills, the person explodes and lashes out at the world.

If the numbers we see in domestic violence were applied to terrorism or gang violence, the entire country would be up in arms, and it would be the lead story on the news every night.

Most murders are committed by someone who is known to the victim. In fact, you are most likely to be murdered by a member of your own family on Christmas day.

One bullet can really fuck up your day.

Football is the "secret vice" of the civilized, wrote William Phillips in the journal Commentary in 1969. "Much of its popularity is due to the fact that it makes respectable the most primitive feelings about violence, patriotism, manhood.

By 2001, United States police violence and brutality had been roundly denounced, decried, and documented by Amnesty International and others as out of compliance with international law. United

Shock and awe" is deployed in U.S. city streets, complete with police in full body armor, helmeted and masked, with rubber-bullets (as well as live ammunition), flash bang grenades, armored personnel carriers, drones and more. Studying over 800 SWAT team actions between 2010 and 2013, the ACLU report, The War Comes Home, details the extraordinary intensification of militarized police.

Throughout U.S. history—whether it was a matter of controlling indigenous peoples across Western lands that white settlers wanted to occupy, black populations deemed unruly, or laborers not complying with the economic usurpation of a white overclass—the weaponry of military and local policing have often comingled.

According to University of California law professor Jonathan Simon, in California, for example, political prisoner George Jackson and "Jackson's story" of emergence from poor black communities to violent resistance within prisons, "set the terms of the state's prison-expansion policy in the 1980s and provided an icon of the convict-as-revolutionary-terrorist that would reset the national common sense about prisons and prisoners.

The practice continues throughout the country. Immigrants can feel "on the border" almost anywhere in the territory of the U.S., and have been subject to such raids in many Northern cities. The key is surprise and drama, especially sudden unexpected violence, or simply the threat of it, which instills wariness and unease in whole immigrant families as they come to and from work. In

In the U.S. of the last several decades, this consolidation of economic wealth and power constitutes the important political backdrop of the rise of the carceral state. It benefits, too, from the historical backdrop—the legacies of genocide, slavery, racialized caste systems, and other forms of structural violence of the U.S. past.

Politicians who justify the lockdown craze often argue that we are ridding our streets and neighborhoods of violent offenders and feared super predators. Policy-makers thus play again on the public's "common sense" assumption that prisons "keep the innocent safe from the guilty.