Quotes About Discrimination

And as the age of godlessness increases, all remnants of morality will disappear, until people will eat the flesh of their own family members and – as they are already doing – engage in sex acts with less discrimination then the hogs and dogs.

am accustomed to being downgraded by businesspeople, lawyers, engineers, Washington hotshots, various scientists. Even their secretaries, who get their notions of what matters from television, hide their smiles behind their hands and give one another the high sign when I turn up—some incomprehensible goofball.

But this might have been construed to mean that what the Nazis had done to the Jews resembled what Zionism had done to the Arabs—a parallel no sane person would agree to.

How in the world can you think a queer is cute? I mean, you can tell he's a freak. You can just tell." I advised Zelda that if she didn't shut up, I'd gouge out her eyes and force her to swallow them.

The worse anyone feels, the worse treated he is. Fools elect fools.

There's no way the thing would have been so completely smothered if the victims hadn't been a nigger and a Jap. Well, there might be nothing he could to do for them, but at least he could prevent Monique's little brother from swinging in the breeze.

What exactly was the difference? He wondered to himself. And who decided which people wore the striped pajamas and which people wore the uniforms?

collecting 10 per cent on high incomes and lower rates on lower incomes constituted undue discrimination against wealth.

Should a black woman carrying her "madam's" white baby travel in the "whites only" or the "nonwhites" section of the train? Or would a Japanese visitor who used a "whites only" public toilet be breaking the law? Or what was a bus conductor to do when he ordered a brown-skinned passanger to get off a whites-only bus and the passanger refused, insisting that he was a white man with a deep suntan?

I meant "tribalism" in the widest sense of the word, as applied to race, religion, nationalism, or politics. George Orwell defined it as that "habit of assuming that human beings can be classified like insects and that whole blocks of millions or tens of millions of people can be confidently labelled 'good' or 'bad.

But no one on either side ever forgot that the law was white. Justice might be blind, but the law wasn't. Justice was aspirational, but the law was actual. The law was real. It had uniforms, and weapons. It smelt of sweat and tobacco. It drove a big car with a star on the door. White people had justice. Black folks had the law.

Stupidity, he knew, did not recognize boundaries of color or creed. But he had come to believe that, like driving a car, people should have to pass a test before being allowed access to the Internet

It is not surprising that efforts to keep gay, lesbian, and bisexual people in their place arise in the wedding context. Sexual orientation is a relational property; it's about the sex or gender of the people with whom you have relationships or desire to have relationships. It manifests itself in the context of those relationships, and unless it manifests itself, would-be discriminators can't target it.

Anderson and Girgis insist that it is not, because the baker's "reason for refusing to bake same-sex wedding cakes is manifestly not to avoid contact with gay people on equal terms" (p. 191). But that's a strange claim, given that the bakers are refusing to sell gay people the very same items they sell to other customers. They do so precisely because they judge same-sex relationships to be morally inferior.

The plain fact is that Kim Davis wanted to hold gay people to a different standard than her fellow divorcees: For gays, she would enforce "God's law" here on earth. For divorcees, "That's between them and God." Like so many of her fellow social conservatives, she selectively cited the Bible to justify discrimination against a marginalized group while giving a free pass to those in the majority like herself. Such

In substituting her religious beliefs for the law, Kim Davis placed burdens on third parties who did not share those beliefs. Such actions look less like religious liberty than religious discrimination.

First, just because people's religious beliefs can be easily accommodated, it does not follow that they should. Sometimes accommodations reinforce sentiments that ought to be repudiated. Second, given that one of the best reasons for religious accommodations is the history of antireligious discrimination, religious accommodations ought not be used as a license to discriminate.

the ultimate objective of antidiscrimination law is not to punish haters (not all discriminators are haters) but to ensure equal access in the public sphere. This

invidious is the fact that those ideas about African Americans are unfair and socially debilitating. Some

bigotry to consist in stubborn and unjustified animus toward people, typically (though not always) in the context of a larger system of subordination.

Do not let the focus on bakers and florists obscure this point: It is currently legal in most states to fire people for being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender; to refuse to rent them apartments or hotel rooms; even to refuse to tow their cars or repair their furnaces. Should this change? Anderson and Girgis argue that it should not. 4.3.5

By treating blacks as inferior, such policies were an affront to their dignity. This would be true even if these policies had not been accompanied by widespread material harm—even if, for example, the separate facilities had been truly equal (which they were not). Some

She is but a woman and many unsound and dangerous principles are held by her.

A few decades back one could get a pretty good idea of someone's overall political stance by finding out how much he hates rich people; the equivalent today is finding out how much he hates white people.