Quotes About Immigration

The operators were bound together by what they were running from—poverty in all its forms, despair, hunger, decimated families—as well as what they hoped to gain. Their imaginations were filled with American treasures:

Ciro was beginning to understand the concept of America, and it was changing his view of the world and of himself. A man could think clearly in a place that gave breadth to his dreams. There

We'll go to America, make the money, and come back as soon as we can. It's the only way. Someday we'll have the life we dreamed of." Giacomina

I'll never get that far," Enza says. "We came to make money to buy our house. As soon as we do, we'll go home." "We all come here thinking that we'll go home. And then, this becomes home." The

We allow for complexity, and therefore make accommodations for disagreement and its patient resolution, in most of the big areas of life: international trade, immigration, oncology . . . But when it comes to domestic existence, we tend to make a fateful presumption of ease, which in turn inspires in us a tense aversion to protracted negotiation. We would think it peculiar indeed to devote a two-day

Josef followed the small group of kids through the raised doorway onto the bridge of the St. Louis. The bridge was a narrow, curving room that stretched from one side of the ship to the other. Bright sunlight streamed in through two dozen windows, offering a panoramic view of the vast blue-green Atlantic and wispy white clouds. Throughout the wood-decked room were metal benches with maps and rulers on them, and the walls were dotted with mysterious gauges and meters made of shining brass.

E.A. Partridge of the Grain Growers' Guide wondered pointedly why the vote was available to "the lowest imbruted foreign hobo" but not to Canadian women.

It's pretty physically unsettling, living life on a visa.

What right does she have to weigh in when she doesn't even live here anymore?

All art comes from other art, and all immigrants come from other places.

Even after all these years, I am not tired of reading, thinking and writing about this time and the stories people told, and did not tell themselves. I still haven't explored all its corners. I don't know everything. These days, I feel its conflicts and parables running beside us with a particular urgency, crashing over contemporary questions of immigration, religion, and climate change, swirling around our political leaders, demanding: Look at me.

American political discourse had framed the Jewish problem as an immigration problem. Germany's persecution of Jews raised the specter of a vast influx of Jewish refugees at a time when America was reeling from the Depression.

Roosevelt understood that the political costs of any public condemnation of Nazi persecution or any obvious effort to ease the entry of Jews into America were likely to be immense, because American political discourse had framed the Jewish problem as an immigration problem.

But Roosevelt understood that the political costs of any public condemnation of Nazi persecution or any obvious effort to ease the entry of Jews into America were likely to be immense, because American political discourse had framed the Jewish problem as an immigration problem.

Indeed, anti-immigration sentiment in America would remain strong into 1938, when a Fortune poll reported that some two-thirds of those surveyed favored keeping refugees out of the country.

I have examined the laws of the United States carefully and I do not find any law which says that a white man shall be punished for killing a Chinaman.

Immigration has changed Britain more than almost any other single social event in post-1945 Britain – more than the increase in longevity, or the Pill, the collapse of deference or the spread of suburban housing. The only change which eclipses it is the triumph of the car.

The majority of British people did not want the arrival of large numbers of blacks and Asians, just as they did not want an end to capital punishment, or deep British involvement in the European Union, or many of the other things the political elite has opted for.

One of the reasons why people come to America is that there are fewer speed bumps to the top of the ladder in comparison with other countries.

César picks it up and pulls out a chicken by its neck. Welcome to America, he says. He hands it to me. I look into its glassed-over eyes. . . . I've held plenty of chickens before, plucked, chopped, and cooked them too. But here, I want to save the chicken from its fate.

My dad started to watch westerns at dollar cinemas in Seoul and felt like America was a miraculous place. His family had lost a lot of land during the Korean War and the Japanese occupation. That affected him a lot as a kid. He always felt like he needed to come to the U.S. and get land.

What I'll say is that Cuban-Americans don't have to deal with the same immigration issues as other nationalities because of the 'wet feet, dry feet' policy. For Cubans, one year after you touch United States territory, you can become a legal resident.

What if we move to a path to legalization? How do we reconcile that with justice and fairness with those that come here legally?

Rising leftists openly call for open borders and seek to erase the distinction between citizens and non-citizens. I tell you what, if you erase our borders, you erase our country.