Quotes About Political

For the ethical, political activism was seductive because it seemed to offer the possibility that one could improve society, make things better, without going through the personal ordeal of rearranging one's perceptions and transforming one's self. For the unconscionable, political reactivism was seductive because it seemed to protect one's holdings and legitimize one's greed. But both sides were gazing through a kerchief of illusion.

What I'm saying is simply that every totalitarian society, no matter how strict, has had its underground. In fact, two undergrounds. There's the underground involved in political resistance and the underground involved in preserving beauty and fun--which is to say, preserving the human spirit.

Liberty, the very opposite of ownership and control, cannot, then, result from political action, either at the polls or the barricades, but rather evolves out of attitude. If it results from anything, it may be levity.

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY was a period defined by the struggle for individual political, economic, and personal liberty against various forms of oppression, and marked by war, genocide, and the threat of nuclear annihilation.

What I think the political correctness debate is really about is the power to be able to define. The definers want the power to name. And the defined are now taking that power away from them.

The best art is political and you ought to be able to make it unquestionably political and irrevocably beautiful at the same time.

I don't believe any real artists have ever been non-political. They may have been insensitive to this particular plight or insensitive to that, but they were political, because that's what an artist is?a politician.

I wanted to redirect, reinvent the political, cultural, and artistic judgments saved for African American writers.

Unaligned, nobly interventionist, unbrooked by nations and political parties, private interests or public exhaustion, Amnesty International declares states, walls, borders irrelevant to its humanitarian goals, detrimental to its tasks, by summoning responsibility and refusing to accept a myopic government's own narrative of its behavior.

The reign of terror abated, though not the institutions and practices to which it had given rise: the Gulag was still in place, and tens of thousands of political prisoners still languished in camps and in exile—half of them Ukrainians.

a political class deeply sensitive to its moral and social responsibilities.

However, for Keynes it had become self-evident that the best defense against political extremism and economic collapse was an increased role for the state, including but not confined to countercyclical economic intervention.

Unsurprisingly, planning was most admired and advocated at the political extremes.

It was altogether appropriate that Horst Mahler, one of the few surviving founders of Left terrorism in West Germany, should end up three decades later on the far Right of the political spectrum.

Above all, the new Left—and its overwhelmingly youthful constituency—rejected the inherited collectivism of its predecessor.

Conservatism—not to mention the ideological Right—was a minority preference in the decades following World War II.

In our political as in our economic lives, we have become consumers: choosing from a broad gamut of competing objectives, we find it hard to imagine ways or reasons to combine these into a coherent whole. We must do better than this.

In short, economic prosperity required trade, but political stability required welfare states.

The biblical scholar Wilhelm de Wette generalized the idea: "The spirit of Protestantism . . . leads necessarily to political freedom.

Together, these political and economic rights rested on a pedestal inscribed "Constitutional Government designed to Serve the People." And that, in turn, stood on a more substantial foundation: "Fundamental Belief in God."7

With a wide-angle lens, this book traces the political, economic, racial, and sexual divisions in modern America, but also the cultural and technological changes that confronted and contorted the country along the way. Following these fault lines, in both senses of the term, we examine the history of our divided America.

Nevertheless, some believed a Republican revival could be forged through concerted appeals to the disaffected Dixiecrats. J. Harvie Williams, a North Carolinian, spent 1949 fund-raising for a "Citizens' Political Committee" that would spark "political realignment" by strengthening the coalition of conservatives. A more "formal alliance between Republicans and Southern Democrats," he noted, would inspire "white,

Ultimately, we must turn to the God who is both the One and the Many for the standard of His law. He created to live both as individuals and as corporate units; and His law perfectly balances the liberties of the many with the power of the one political unit.

I have a political attitude, but I'm certainly not a politician.