Quotes About Trump

Barack Obama so spooked the bigoted whites of this country that we are now faced with a racist explicitness that we haven't seen since the height of the civil rights movement. Trump

Here then was the basic argument of liberal and progressive politics in the decades leading up to Brexit, Trump, and the populist revolt: The global economy, as if a fact of nature, had somehow come upon us and was here to stay. The central political question was not how to reconfigure it but how to adapt to it, and how to alleviate its devastating effect on the wages and job prospects of workers outside the charmed circle of the elite professions.

al igual que ocurrió con el triunfo del Brexit en Reino Unido, la elección de Donald Trump en 2016 fue una airada condena a décadas de desigualdad en aumento y de extensión de una versión de la globalización que beneficia a quienes ya están en la cima pero deja a los ciudadanos corrientes sumidos en una sensación de desamparo.

He put the worst neo-cons available on the case: Elliott Abrams, formerly convicted of conspiracy in the Iran-Contras deal in the '80s and John Bolton, famous first-degree warmonger. Trump then

The concrete for Trump Tower came from S&A Concrete, then owned by the heads of two New York crime families: "Fat" Tony Salerno, of the Genovese family, and Paul "Big Paul" Castellano, of the Gambinos (Castellano was assassinated in 1985 outside Sparks Steak House on Manhattan's East Side in a Mafia hit organized by the mobster John Gotti).

Trump liked what he heard—not just about the case, but the whole "go to hell" philosophy. From that moment, he adopted the Cohn playbook: when attacked, counterattack with overwhelming force. One of the most influential relationships in Trump's life was now under way.

Strangely enough, the least presidential moments of the visit persuaded some of the Post's editors that Trump wasn't putting on an act for them. Fred Hiatt, the paper's editorial-page editor, had to ask, How could a man running for president justify going on a nationally televised debate and talking about the size of his penis?

Sometimes Trump eschewed the company letterhead and just annotated a copy of the offending piece of journalism and sent it to the author. When Times columnist Gail Collins called Trump a "financially embattled thousandaire," he sent her column back with her face circled. Next to it, Trump had written, "The Face of a Dog!" Sometimes

Separately, Trump said, "I'm the least racist person that you've ever interviewed.")

Trump had asserted to the Times that he was worth "more than $200 million," even though a year earlier, Penn Central negotiators had estimated the Trump family holdings at about $25 million, all of it under Fred's control. In December 1976, a month after that article appeared, Fred Trump opened eight trusts for his children and grandchildren and transferred in $1 million each. Over the next five years, Donald would reap about $440,000 in income from that trust alone. Despite

My main point was that we live in a culture where everyone working for President Trump is brazenly referred to as a White Supremacist or a Nazi, even Jewish advisors like Jared Kushner.

Every time I speak of the haters and losers I do so with great love and affection. They cannot help the fact that they were born fucked up! —DONALD J. TRUMP

A close Trump friend who was also a good Bill Clinton friend found them eerily similar—except that Clinton had a respectable front and Trump did not. One manifestation of this outlaw personality, for both Trump and Clinton, was their brand of womanizing—and indeed, harassing. Even among world-class womanizers and harassers, they seemed exceptionally free of doubt or hesitation.

The charge that Trump colluded with the Russians to win the election, which he scoffed at, was, in the estimation of some of his friends, a perfect example of his inability to connect the dots.

After all, Ailes was perhaps the person most responsible for unleashing the angry-man currents of Trump's victory: he had invented the right-wing media that delighted in the Trump character.

Bannon described Trump as a simple machine. The On switch was full of flattery, the Off switch full of calumny.

Time spent with Trump on the campaign plane was often an epic dissing experience: everybody around him was an idiot.

Reince Priebus, getting ready to shift over from the RNC to the White House, noted, with alarm, how often Trump offered people jobs on the spot, many of whom he had never met before, for positions whose importance Trump did not particularly understand.

Trump talked nonstop and constantly repeated himself. "Here's the deal," a close Trump associate told Priebus. "In an hour meeting with him you're going to hear fifty-four minutes of stories and they're going to be the same stories over and over again. So you have to have one point to make and you have to pepper it in whenever you can.

Here was another peculiar Trump attribute: an inability to see his actions the way most others saw them. Or to fully appreciate how people expected him to behave. The notion of the presidency as an institutional and political concept, with an emphasis on ritual and propriety and semiotic messaging—statesmanship—was quite beyond him.

There was something curiously aligned between the Trump family and MBS. Like the entire Saudi leadership, MBS had, practically speaking, no education. In the past, this had worked to limit the Saudi options—nobody was equipped to confidently explore new intellectual possibilities. As a consequence, everybody was wary of trying to get them to imagine change. But MBS and Trump were on pretty much equal footing. Knowing little made them oddly comfortable with each other.

Trump, despite his disappointment at Washington's failure to properly greet and celebrate him, was, like a good salesman, an optimist. Salesmen, whose primary characteristic and main asset is their ability to keep selling, constantly recast the world in positive terms. Discouragement for everyone else is merely the need to improve reality for them.

Ailes had a suggestion: "Speaker Boehner." (John Boehner had been the Speaker of the House until he was forced out in a Tea Party putsch in 2011.) "Who's that?" asked Trump.

By the second week of the Trump presidency, everybody in the White House seemed to be maintaining their own list of likely leakers and doing their best to leak before being leaked about.