Quotes About Race

Did Dolezal really fool those black folks around her? I have a strange feeling she didn't, that many simply humored her. You have to do this with white people, from time to time.

A quiet snowglobe of pain I want to shake. While the flakes fall like ash we race the train to reach the place Emmett Till last whistled or smiled or did nothing.

You can't outrun the inevitable.

The long-term consequences of dropping the atomic bomb were also as poorly understood in the 1940s as the consequences of unleashing digital weapons are today - not only with regard to the damages they would cause, but to the global arms race they would create.

They race from us! Only to find us sooner.

And though this encounter took place against an African sky, our brief enchantment symbolized the new world's greatest taboo - the hand of a very black man caressing the face of the blackest woman, with no shred of light entering into it, utter darkness alone representing God (71).

Elle était libre comme les arbres, comme les vagues du Danube, comme le vent, comme les oiseaux. Elle était Tinka, l'enfant libre d'une race libre, une race qui n'était pas enchaînée par les entrelacs de la civilisation. La seule race qui n'était pas entrée dans le creuset du monde ni devenue un composant de son alliage

Race, john powell says, is like gravity, experienced by all, understood by few.

Carol Barnes notes that human mental processes are controlled by melanin--that same chemical which gives Blacks their superior physical and mental abilities.

The at-home mother's life: it was a race with no finish line.

The idea of a pure race is not even a legitimate abstraction," Dobzhansky wrote. "It is a subterfuge to cloak one's ignorance.

Black respectability or "appropriate" behavior doesn't seem to matter. If anything, black achievement, black aspirations, and black success are construed as direct threats. Obama's presidency made that clear. Aspirations and the achievement of these aspirations provide no protection. Not even to the God-fearing. On

The trigger for white rage, inevitably, is black advancement. It is not the mere presence of black people that is the problem; rather, it is blackness with ambition, with drive, with purpose, with aspirations, and with demands for full and equal citizenship.

Black gains, it was assumed, could come only at the expense of whites.21 Not surprisingly, polls showed that as African Americans achieved greater access to their citizenship rights, white discomfort and unease mounted.

Sadly, the ascent of a black man to the presidency of the United States did not, despite all the talk of hope and a post-racial society, signal progress. Instead, it has led to a situation, not so unlike the era of Jim Crow, where a sense of physical vulnerability is shared across classes in the black community.86

The eighteenth-century origins of the "right to bear arms" explicitly excluded Black people.19 South Carolina encoded into law that the enslaved could not "carry or make use of fire-arms or any offensive weapons whatsoever" unless "in the presence of some white person.

According to Human Rights Watch, "the proportion of blacks in prison populations exceeds the proportion among state residents in every single state.

White rage doesn't have to wear sheets, burn crosses, or take to the streets. Working the halls of power, it can achieve its ends far more effectively, far more destructively. In my Washington Post op-ed, therefore, I set out to make white rage visible, to blow graphite onto that hidden fingerprint and trace its historic movements over the past 150 years.

I am not," Lincoln had said, "nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races.

The bottom line was that black economic independence was anathema to a power structure that depended on cheap, exploitable, rightless labor and required black subordination.

Beginning in 1917 and going into the 1920s, so-called race riots, which were essentially lynchings on a grander scale, erupted in East St. Louis, Chicago, Washington, D.C., and numerous other cities.75 Though labeled "riots," these outbursts were more like rampages, where whites went hunting for African Americans to pummel, burn, and torture.

In fact, "in twenty states, the percent[age] of blacks incarcerated is at least five times greater than their share of resident population."163

I offered my life for a decadent democracy," pronounced the Reverend L. Francis Griffin, a black man who had served in the Jim Crow military during World War II and

As the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights reported in its study of the racial implications of the law, the criminal justice system is "ten times more likely" to rule a homicide justifiable "if the shooter is white and the victim black" than if an African American kills someone white and claims self-defense. 32 In fact, the report notes, stand-your-ground laws actually worsen and increase the racial disparity outcomes of self-defense claims. 33